Portland NORML News - Wednesday, June 3, 1998

District Judges Reject Drug-Expert Testimony; Prosecutors Plan Appeal
('Associated Press' Says Pierce County Prosecutors In Tacoma, Washington,
Are Throwing Out 35 Driving-Under-The-Influence Cases,
Citing A Recent Decision By Five District Court Judges That So-Called Police
'Drug Recognition Experts' Don't Know What They're Talking About)

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 16:11:36 -0400
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US WA: District Judges Reject Drug-Expert Testimony;
Prosecutors Plan Appeal
To: DrugSense News Service (mapnews@mapinc.org)
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: W.H.E.N. - Bob Owen - Olympia (when@olywa.net)
Source: Associated Press
Pubdate: Wednesday, 3 June 1998


TACOMA (AP) -- Pierce County prosecutors are throwing out 35
driving-under-the-influence cases, citing a recent decision by five
District Court judges to bar testimony from trained drug-recognition experts.

"I feel we have no choice but to dismiss these cases without this valuable
evidence for the jury, but the matter is so important we are asking the
Supreme Court for immediate review," Prosecutor John Ladenburg said.

He said he expected a decision from the state's highest court in six months
to a year. If the court rules in prosecutors' favor, the cases will be
refiled, Ladenburg said.

Impaired driving is becoming more common, he said, and the judges' May 19
ruling "removes one of the state's most important tools to combat this

People suspected of drunken driving still will be charged, but those
suspected of being under the influence of drugs aren't as likely to be
hauled into court, Ladenburg said Tuesday.

The Pierce County District Court judges, ruling that special
drug-recognition training isn't scientifically reliable enough, barred
testimony from the trained officers speculating about what drug or drugs a
suspect might have ingested.

Drug cases are harder to prove than alcohol offenses because the
blood-alcohol test generally given to suspected drunken drivers doesn't
identify methamphetamines, cocaine or heroin, Ladenburg said.

Testing for drugs at the scene is not routine. That makes it essential that
police officers who have completed Drug Recognition Expert training be
permitted to testify about their conclusions, he said.

In DRE training, officers are taught to use interrogation, observation of
the nose and mouth, searches for needle marks, tests for pupil reaction,
and checking a suspect's pulse, temperature and blood pressure.

Thirty-five police officers -- about half of them from the Washington State
Patrol -- have completed DRE training in this state. Another 25 Washington
officers are working toward certification in the program, now in place in
33 states.

Appellate courts in Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Iowa,
Minnesota, New York, Texas, Utah and the Federal District Court of Nevada
have upheld the admissibility of Drug Recognition Expert testimony,
Ladenburg said. And such testimony is routinely used in King County
District Court, Seattle Municipal Court and Tacoma Municipal Court.

The five Pierce County District Court judges, who handle 90 percent of the
court's caseload, said letting police testify about what drugs suspects may
have taken without physical evidence would amount to speculation.

"The scientific community does not support the theory that DREs can
accurately state which drug a person has ingested, when that ingestion
occurred, or a given drug's pharmacological action," the judges said in
their written decision.

"Thus, while the observations of the suspect's physiological and behavioral
traits give strong evidence of what drug family or families are at work,
the DRE cannot say, with scientific accuracy, which drug or family of drugs
is at work," they said.

In King County," cases with DRE being the only evidence have been relatively
rare here," said Dan Donohoe, spokesman for Prosecutor Norm Maleng.

"In most of our cases, there is some other type of evidence, whether it is
an admission by the suspect, failing physical tests or something else."

Narc Alert - Do You Know These Lawbreakers?
(The Oakland Cannabis Buyers' Cooperative Posts Photos
Of Two Undercover Agents Who Attempted To Break The Law
By Using Forged Documents To Obtain Medical Marijuana
And Were Apprehended And Exposed During A Press Conference
At The Dispensary May 21)

Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 16:39:18 EDT
Errors-To: manager@drcnet.org
Reply-To: pdxnorml@pdxnorml.org
Originator: drctalk@drcnet.org
Sender: drctalk@drcnet.org
From: Phil Smith (pdxnorml@pdxnorml.org)
To: Multiple recipients of list (drctalk@drcnet.org)
Subject: narc alert - do you know these lawbreakers?

The Oakland Cannabis Buyers' Cooperative has posted photos of the two
undercover agents who tried to pass off forged documents May 21 while all
the media were there for a press conference.

There is also a link to a page with photos of forged documents presented by
4 agents in 1997.

Go to:


Officer Exemption (List Subscriber Suggests A Way To Distribute
Medical Marijuana Legally To Patients In California Protected
By Proposition 215 - He Says The Federal Controlled Substances Act
Allows Police To Possess, Transport, Distribute And Manufacture
Controlled Substances As Long As They Do So Pursuant To Enforcement
Of A State Or Local Law)

Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 20:21:48 EDT
Errors-To: manager@drcnet.org
Reply-To: Robert.Goodman@godi.adirondack.fidonet.org
Originator: drctalk@drcnet.org
Sender: drctalk@drcnet.org
From: Robert.Goodman@godi.adirondack.fidonet.org (Robert Goodman)
To: Multiple recipients of list (drctalk@drcnet.org)
Subject: officer exemption

Kelly T. Conlon (conlonkt@mcmail.CIS.McMaster.CA) asked:

> Do state and local officials enjoy absolute immunity from the
> Controlled Drugs and Substances Act?

Under the federal Controlled Substances Act they are allowed to
possess, transport, and distribute controlled substances as long
as they are doing it pursuant to enforcement of some state or
local law. (I know that in some circumstances they also
undertake manufacture, so that permission must be included.) Not
only gov't employees, but "officers" (designated, not necessarily
employed, by gov't) are exempt. Med mj patients could be
deputized for this purpose, to enforce disposal of the mj.

> How else would LEOs be able to set up drug stings?

No way. They'd be in jeopardy of federal prosecution otherwise.

You may recall I was the one who brought this to the
attention of DRCtalk. Recently in California a summit was held
to discuss plans for med mj distribution, and someone who'd read
my posts here injected that fact to the discussion. Lawyers
there are seriously considering it.


Fidonet: Robert Goodman 1:2625/141
Internet: Robert.Goodman@godi.adirondack.fidonet.org

Pair Face Court Date For Cannabis Club Work ('Orange County Register'
Doesn't Say Whether Two San Diego County Men, Steven McWilliams
And Dion Markgraaff, Associated With An Unnamed Medical Marijuana Dispensary,
Will Be Tried Separately Or Together)

Date: Thu, 4 Jun 1998 21:14:26 -0800
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US CA: Pair Face Court Date For Cannabis Club Work
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: John W.Black
Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998
Source: Orange County Register (Ca)


Two San Diego County men were ordered Tuesday to face trial on felony drug
charges in connection with a cannabis club they were operating, ostensibly
to provide marijuana for medicinal purposes.

Steven McWilliams, 43, and Dion Markgraaff, 28, face possible sentences of
four years, eight months and eight years, respectively, on charges
including transporting, cultivating and conspiring to distribute marijuana.

McWilliams was arrested Jan. 12 at a Border Patrol checkpoint near Warner
Springs in east San Diego County.

Agent seized 11 potted marijuana plants in his van and another 450 growing
plants at his home.

Alatorre Accused Of Using Drugs With City Contractor Officials
('Los Angeles Times' Says Los Angeles City Councilman Richard Alatorre
Repeatedly Used Cocaine With A Friend And Convicted Narcotics Offender
While Aggressively Helping Him Obtain Government Business,
According To Allegations Contained In Court Documents
And Supported By Interviews)

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 00:40:10 -0400
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US CA: Alatorre Accused Of Using Drugs
With City Contractor Officials
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: Jim Rosenfield
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Source: Los Angeles Times (CA)
Contact: letters@latimes.com
Website: http://www.latimes.com/
Author: Robert J. Lopez, Rich Connell,
Times Staff Writers


Councilman allegedly steered government work toward businessman. Both have
denied wrongdoing.

Los Angeles City Councilman Richard Alatorre repeatedly used cocaine with a
friend and convicted narcotics offender while aggressively helping him
obtain government business, according to allegations contained in court
documents and supported by interviews.

Alatorre's ties to Julian G. Carrasco date back more than 20 years, when the
waste hauler and demolition specialist pleaded guilty to possessing and
intending to distribute heroin. More recently, the lives of the two men have
been entwined in ways that have prompted questions of propriety by
government officials and business associates involved in their dealings.

Among other things, documents and interviews disclose that Alatorre wielded
his influence in the early and mid-1990s to help Carrasco obtain government
contracts, at least twice over the objections of civil servants who believed
that public money was being jeopardized.

This occurred at a time when the councilman was regularly showing up at
Carrasco's office in Vernon, where the men allegedly shared cocaine on the
contractor's glass desktop. In addition, the company's former controller
says Carrasco directed him to write a $2,000 corporate check to the
councilman but he balked, prompting his boss to instead withdraw cash from a
personal account. The controller says he does not know where that money
ended up.

Alatorre, through a spokesperson on Tuesday, refused to comment on any
aspect of his relationship with Carrasco. In the past, he has issued general
denials of any misconduct in his personal or public life.

Carrasco, for his part, flatly disputed the allegations, saying in an
interview Tuesday that cocaine "has been out of my life for a long time" and
that he has never used the drug "with anyone other than myself." He said he
has no knowledge of whether Alatorre has used drugs.

Carrasco said he and the councilman have been "longtime, loyal friends" but
that he did not exploit the relationship for financial gain. He said each of
his many government contracts was awarded on merit alone.

Carrasco blamed unhappy former employees for the accusations leveled against
him and Alatorre, a man he calls "a peoples' politician." "Everyone has
employees that for whatever reasons . . . will say whatever comes to their
minds," he said.

The latest questions swirling around Alatorre come from disparate
sources--ranging from records in unconnected court cases to interviews with
disaffected former Carrasco employees and front-line public workers.

Taken together, they also appear to bolster accounts by a woman who came
forward earlier this year with similar allegations--Alatorre's former
executive secretary.

In recent court documents, she accused the councilman of abusing cocaine and
showing up at City Hall with wads of $100 bills after meetings with
supporters, up to the time she left in 1995.

Linda M. Ward's sworn statement, lodged in a bitter custody case involving
the Alatorres' niece, has been disparaged by the councilman as lies by a
vindictive ex-girlfriend and disgruntled former employee.

Alatorre has told reporters that the white powder she claims to have seen on
his nostrils and clothes might have been dandruff, denture powder or
Doritos. The councilman also has insisted that he has not abused any
substance since undergoing treatment for alcoholism 10 years ago.

Some of those new accusations have emerged in the custody battle, which has
been transformed into an assault on Alatorre's parental fitness. The
Superior Court action was brought by longtime political rival Henry Lozano,
who is seeking custody of his 9-year-old daughter, now living with the

Like Ward, Carrasco's former secretary alleged in a sworn statement filed in
the custody case that the councilman abused drugs--an open secret, she said,
among the firm's employees. "It was well known throughout the office staff
that the councilman's visits were for cocaine," Beverly Vasquez-Bumgardner said.

One of those in the know was the ex-foreman of Carrasco's now-defunct JCI
Environmental Services.

In a signed declaration provided to The Times, Donald Benefield said he
witnessed Alatorre preparing or using cocaine with Carrasco about half a
dozen times during a several-year period ending in 1995, when the business
shut down.

Benefield recalled one Saturday when Carrasco left his office door open. He
said he saw Alatorre hunched over, inhaling one of several neatly aligned
rows of white powder through a small tube.

"He sniffed it up at the glass desk, right there," Benefield said in an

Last year, the relationship between the contractor and the councilman became
part of an FBI investigation into whether Carrasco's JCI was improperly
dumping hazardous waste. Three former JCI employees told The Times that
federal agents asked them whether their boss was supplying drugs and money
to Alatorre.

Carrasco said he had no knowledge of the investigation, in which no charges
have been filed. It is unclear what, if any, information gathered in that
investigation is being cycled into a current federal corruption probe of

Among other things, Alatorre, who also is a board member of the Metropolitan
Transportation Authority, is under investigation by the FBI and Internal
Revenue Service for allegedly receiving cash from people with government
business and for obtaining help in the purchase and remodeling of his Eagle
Rock home--including the falsification of financial records and the
financing of a $12,000 tile roof by a prominent government contractor.

Long Relationship With Businessman Carrasco, 55, was an enterprising
businessman who favored a lavish lifestyle. He wore a gold pinkie ring with
a diamond in the middle and had a penchant for expensive cars. He also had a
grand business vision: to join the ranks of Los Angeles' giant public works

To boost his big-league image and highlight his Mexican heritage, Carrasco's
JCI sponsored an award-winning float in the 1995 Rose Parade. The creation,
featuring huge Aztec handball players, was promoted in a glossy company
brochure picturing Carrasco with Alatorre.

But even as he was striving for recognition, Carrasco's finances were
unraveling. In the spring of 1995, JCI filed for bankruptcy protection,
leaving employees unpaid and creditors in line. One of them: the builder of
his heralded float.

Carrasco said he is now a partner in a local manufacturing company and does
various kinds of consulting work.

Alatorre's relationship with Carrasco extends at least to the lawmaker's
early years in the Assembly, in the mid-1970s.

Carrasco has said Alatorre has written him letters of reference for public
contracts, attesting "to my character." Their relationship also predates
Carrasco's 1977 arrest for allegedly arranging the sale of a kilogram of
heroin to a federal agent in the El Monte area, according to federal court

Prosecutors alleged that he was part of a conspiracy to distribute heroin in
Southern California.

He pleaded guilty to a single count of possession with intent to distribute
the drug, and was sentenced to two years in federal prison.

After his release, Carrasco returned to the waste hauling and demolition
business he had begun in the late 1960s. But he had not left his drug days
behind, according to former employees.

"Mr. Carrasco was not discreet about his use of cocaine in the office during
my tenure," the businessman's former secretary, Vasquez-Bumgardner, said in
court records. "He was clearly addicted, and his nose required
reconstructive surgery on several occasions due to his overuse of cocaine."
During this time, Vasquez-Bumgardner and other former JCI employees said,
Alatorre's was a familiar face around the office, located in an industrial
area beyond the councilman's Eastside district. He dropped by on workdays
and on weekends, they said, staying anywhere from five minutes to an hour.

Vasquez-Bumgardner also said her boss "bragged" about his relationship with
the councilman--and the benefits that accrued to both of them. Carrasco
openly implied that Alatorre helped him obtain government business because
he supplied the lawmaker with drugs, she said in the custody case document.

"Councilman Alatorre will do whatever I tell him, because he needs me," the
secretary quoted Carrasco as saying--a statement Carrasco denies making.

On "many occasions," Vasquez-Bumgardner said in her court statement, she
could hear Alatorre and Carrasco snorting cocaine.

She described a morning in 1994 when Alatorre walked out of Carrasco's
office after a "snorting session" with cocaine "around his nostrils and all
over his pants." "I said, 'Richard, you have powder on your pants!' He said,
'Thanks, Beverly,' and proceeded to wipe himself down." Standing nearby was
the firm's foreman.

"It looked like somebody had been eating a white doughnut," recalled
Benefield who, like other employees, said he is angry with Carrasco for
failing to pay him thousands of dollars in salary when the firm went under.

The councilman's visits became more frequent in the couple of years before
JCI's 1995 closure, Benefield said.

"I'd just see them in there, getting their drugs together," he said. "It was
a common thing between two buddies." Another former JCI employee, who
requested anonymity, said it was hard to forget some of Alatorre's visits.
One weekend morning in the summer of 1994, he said, the councilman arrived
"stumbling, smelling like alcohol." After about an hour in Carrasco's
office, the councilman emerged "completely re-energized." "You could see the
powder in his nose," the worker said.

Both Carrasco and Alatorre were questioned about their relationship and
visits in depositions taken in 1994 during a sexual harassment suit filed by
Carrasco's secretary, Vasquez-Bumgardner. Neither of the men, however, was
asked about drugs.

Carrasco testified that Alatorre would visit in "spurts"--sometimes up to
three times a week--to discuss his political ambitions and ways they could
improve the community.

Alatorre, in his deposition, said he could not remember exactly why he paid
calls to Carrasco or how often. "I visit a lot of people," he said. "I may
have visited, stopped by and bullshit with the guy." Alatorre's visits,
according to JCI's former controller, were often accompanied by another
ritual: requests by Carrasco for money from the firm.

Financial officer Andrew Lee told The Times that he was instructed by
Carrasco in 1992 to write Alatorre a company check for approximately $2,000.

As Alatorre waited in Carrasco's office, Lee said he told his boss it would
be improper to put corporate funds in a politician's pocket.

"He wouldn't give a reason what it was for," said Lee, now an accountant for
the MTA. "He just said, 'I owe him some money.' " Lee said he was then told
to prepare a check--payable to cash--from Carrasco's personal account. After
doing so, Lee said, his involvement ended and he is uncertain where the
money went.

More often, Lee said, his boss would ask him to dip into the company's petty
cash before or during Alatorre's visits, withdrawing between $100 and $200
each time. He said the two men would then sometimes leave in the
councilman's car and return a short time later.

Carrasco disputes Lee's account, saying he never provided the councilman
with any money and never requested that cash be made available before or
during his visits.

"Of course not," he said.

Connections to Contracts Whatever the attraction between the men, Alatorre
repeatedly used his considerable political influence to help his friend
obtain more than $2 million in local government contracts.

The lawmaker acknowledged in his 1994 deposition that Carrasco often sought
his advice and help. "He's had a lot of business problems," Alatorre said.

One was at the city's Department of Water and Power.

Carrasco's firm had won a 1993 bid to demolish an old DWP service center
east of downtown for a fee of $443,000. But a conflict erupted: Warner Bros.
wanted to blow up the building for a Sylvester Stallone film, "Demolition
Man." Because the job requirements had changed, DWP staffers urged that
Carrasco's contract be terminated and that the job be rebid after the movie
makers had finished, when the exact nature of the work would be more clear.

With that looming prospect, Alatorre personally intervened with then-DWP
General Manager Daniel Waters, according to a source knowledgeable about the
events. Soon after, Waters overruled his staff and allowed Carrasco's
contract to proceed as negotiated, the source said, adding: "You know,
Councilman Alatorre is pretty powerful. . . . [Waters] understood the
reality of it." Waters acknowledged in an interview that he probably
discussed the contract with Alatorre but said he could recall no specifics.
He said that whatever actions he took were in the utility's best interest.

Carrasco agrees. He credits Alatorre with helping to ensure that the lowest
and best bid won the day.

"He did the right thing," Carrasco said of the councilman. "I just told him
what was going on. . . . All he did was relay the information that I told
him." As it turned out, Carrasco would try to obtain even more money from
the city after Warner Bros. had demolished some of the building--and before
he had even started his own work.

As DWP staffers had feared, the Carrasco contract had left an opening for
confusion and bickering. Carrasco informed the department that he wanted an
extra $154,000 because the work had been made more difficult by the studio's
partial demolition of the structure--acontention the city disputed.

Warner Bros., which had agreed to cover any additional costs incurred by the
city, wrote the agency, warning that Carrasco was trying "to 'take' the DWP
for all he can." Although still battling for more money, Carrasco began the
job--one in which Alatorre seemed to take an extraordinary interest.

The DWP manager overseeing Carrasco's work, Jeri Ardalan, said Alatorre's
personal involvement was more than he had ever witnessed by a council member
on a construction matter.

"On a contract like that, when the general manager and Alatorre and
everybody are involved, you feel the pressure," he said.

Among other things, Alatorre showed up at the job site with Carrasco and
convened a meeting with DWP executives and staff in his City Hall office to
review lingering contract issues.

In the midst of the payment disputes, Carrasco faxed a letter to the DWP
general manager seeking a $139,000 payment. The cover sheet noted that it
was sent "per Councilman Richard Alatorre." Given the problems Carrasco was
generating, DWP officials again began debating whether to terminate
Carrasco's agreement and rid themselves of a "troublesome and nonresponsive
contractor," according to internal DWP records. But, as one DWP memo warned,
doing so would mean "Alatorre and hence (General Manager) Waters will
probably be upset." Instead, they decided to let the contract move forward,
an action ensuring that "Alatorre and hence Waters is happy." Carrasco's
demands for money did not end with the building's destruction. He sued the
DWP for $350,000 beyond the amount of the original contract, alleging that
the city had required him to perform extra work and had discriminated
against him because of his Latino heritage.

As city lawyers prepared for trial, questions about Carrasco's "erratic
behavior" and possible drug use arose. The deputy city attorney handling the
case prodded Carrasco's former partner to state "whether or not you thought
[Carrasco] was using drugs or something." The ex-partner avoided a direct
response, saying: "I don't want to be any part of that." The city's attorney
declined to say what led him to pursue that line of inquiry.

Eventually, the DWP settled, paying $40,000 to Carrasco's firm, which also
received $80,000 from Warner Bros.

During Alatorre's 1994 deposition in the sexual harassment suit, the
councilman said he could remember helping Carrasco's firm only one time with
the DWP. On that occasion, he said, he tried to expedite a payment the firm
was owed.

Asked whether he contacted the DWP management in that effort, Alatorre
responded: "I'm sure I did, yeah. I don't know. I don't recall at this
time." Dispute Over Transit Business Alatorre also provided Carrasco with
help on another front--JCI's efforts to obtain a piece of the region's
lucrative transit business, according to documents and interviews with key

In late 1991, while the councilman sat on the board of the now-defunct Rapid
Transit District, JCI was one of several firms seeking a $2-million contract
to clean up hazardous waste. The problem was that RTD staff had rejected
Carrasco's bid, partly because his price was too high and he had failed to
provide required information.

"He was validly shot down," said Frank Hanok, then the RTD's assistant
director of procurement.

A staff report recommending another firm was sent to the RTD board for
approval. But at Alatorre's insistence, the board rejected the staff
opinion, allowing Carrasco to file another bid--a move that Hanok said
smacked of improper political tampering.

"Alatorre killed it, sent it back and made sure it went to JCI," Hanok said
of the contract.

Carrasco, in his interview with The Times, said he could not remember
anything about the matter.

Carrasco himself has said that Alatorre, while preparing to become the MTA's
first chairman, helped him navigate the bureaucracy on another transit contract.

In late 1992, Carrasco had filed a formal protest after his firm was
rejected for a multimillion-dollar waste hauling job, records show. Transit
officials had ruled that JCI lacked management and technical expertise.

So he again turned to Alatorre's office, according to testimony Carrasco
gave in the 1994 harassment lawsuit filed against him by his secretary.

Although the contractor's protest ultimately was denied, he testified that
Alatorre used an aide to gather details on competitors' bids for Carrasco.

Carrasco said in an interview Tuesday that he now has no recollection of the
contract, but stressed that any information he may have received on his
competitors was publicly available.

The secret of his success, Carrasco said, was to perform admirably and come
in with the lowest bids.

"That's the only way I got any contracts." Times researcher Janet Lundblad
contributed to this report.

Copyright Los Angeles Times

Report - Councilman Used Cocaine With Friend ('Associated Press'
Version In 'The Los Angeles Times')

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 01:06:37 -0400
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US CA: Report: Councilman Used Cocaine With Friend, Helped Him
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: Patrick Henry
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Source: Los Angeles Times (CA)
Contact: letters@latimes.com
Website: http://www.latimes.com/


LOS ANGELES (AP) -- City Councilman Richard Alatorre on Wednesday denied a
newspaper report that he snorted cocaine in the office of a longtime friend
he helped to obtain more than $2 million in government contracts.

The allegations in Wednesday's Los Angeles Times editions are ``absolutely
untrue,'' Alatorre said at a news conference.

Alatorre, who has admitted to previous alcohol abuse, said he has been
``clean and sober for a decade.''

``These constant attacks on me are outrageous and it's getting kind of old,
especially when I've made no secret of my past,'' he said.

His friend, Julian G. Carrasco, a one-time waste hauler and demolition
expert, was sentenced to two years in prison after pleading guilty in 1977
to possessing and intending to distribute heroin.

He and Alatorre have been friends for more than 20 years. In the mid-1990s,
the councilman helped him obtain more than $2 million in government
contracts, including deals with the Department of Water and Power, transit
and other agencies, the Times said, citing various court documents and

Alatorre has not been charged with any crime. But he has been questioned as
part of an investigation into Carrasco's business dealings and a separate
probe into his own financial dealings.

Carrasco told the newspaper he and the councilman have been ``longtime,
loyal friends'' but he did not use the relationship to gain business
contracts. He also flatly disputed the allegations of drug use with
Alatorre, saying cocaine ``has been out of my life for a long time'' and
that he has always used the drug alone.

However, employees of Carrasco's now-defunct JCI Environmental Services
either witnessed Alatorre and Carrasco snorting cocaine on the glass desktop
in Carrasco's office or saw Alatorre emerge from the office with a white
powder on his face and clothes, the newspaper said.

Accusations of drug use also are part of a custody dispute. Alatorre has
been legal guardian of his wife's 9-year-old niece, whose mother died of
cancer. The girl's father has been attempting to regain custody.

In the custody case, former secretaries for Alatorre and Carrasco gave
statements about the men's alleged cocaine use.

``He (Carrasco) was clearly addicted, and his nose required reconstructive
surgery on several occasions due to his overuse of cocaine,'' his former
secretary, Beverly Vasquez-Bumgardner, said in court records.

Vasquez-Bumgardner also said her boss implied that Alatorre helped him
obtain government business because he supplied the lawmaker with drugs.

``Councilman Alatorre will do whatever I tell him, because he needs me,''
the secretary quoted Carrasco as saying.

Carrasco has denied making that statement.

In a signed declaration provided to the Times, former JCI employee Donald
Benefield said he witnessed Alatorre preparing or using cocaine with
Carrasco about half a dozen times over several years.

Last year, the relationship between the contractor and the councilman became
part of an FBI investigation into whether Carrasco's JCI was improperly
dumping hazardous waste.

Alatorre is under investigation by the FBI and Internal Revenue Service for
allegedly having financial dealings with people who have government
contracts, including receiving cash and obtaining help in purchasing and
remodeling his home.

Minor Revolution In Orange County, California (List Subscriber
Says Superior Court Judge Tony Rackauckas's Successful Campaign
For District Attorney Sends A Message That Voters Do Not Want
Vigorous Enforcement Of The State's Three Strikes Law)

Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 13:04:51 EDT
Errors-To: cheechwz@mindspring.com
Reply-To: dougk1@home.com
Originator: november-l@november.org
Sender: november-l@november.org
From: "Douglas W. Kieso" (dougk1@home.com)
To: Multiple recipients of list (november-l@november.org)
Subject: Minor revolution in Orange County, CA

Rackauckas win as District Attorney in Orange County, CA sends message that
voters do not want vigorous enforcement of the 3-Strikes law!

In conservative Orange County a minor revolution took place that should open
the eyes of politicians who think that promising longer prison terms is the
only way to win an election. Superior Court Judge Tony Rackauckas declared
victory the night of June 2nd in his campaign against Assistant District
Attorney Wally Wade for the job being vacated by Mike Capizzi (Rackaukas had
62% of the vote to Wade's 38%).

During the election campaign, Judge Rackauckas openly said he was going to
change how Orange County was going to enforce the 3-Strikes law. Rackauckas
often was very critical of how Michael Capizzi, the current O.C. District
Attorney, was overzealous in his pursuit of maximum sentences--costing
deputy district attorneys credibility in court.

Wally Wade, on the other hand, stood behind Capizzi and said if he were
District Attorney he would vigorously enforce the 3-Strikes law as Capizzi
had done. In addition, Wade had continuously criticized Rackauckas for have
used his judge's discretion a number of times to reduce felonies to
misdemeanors which resulted in significantly lesser sentences for the

What was also interesting about this DA race was the pre-election
non-support given by the Assistant and Deputy District Attorneys who
endorsed Rackaukas over one of their own (Wade) by a vote of 114 to 26.
Apparently they did not like being forced into the court room advocating
unjust sentences.

"We're going to see some major changes in the DA's office," Rackaukas said.

The Sheriff's race in Orange County also indicated the voter's desire for
change. Mike Carona, who preached for greater prevention and rehabilitation
as a way to reduce crime, appeared to be the winner over the more
punishment-orientated Paul Walters. This race was closer than the DA race,
however, as Carona had only 53% of the vote to Walter's 47%.

Let's hope the politicians get the message.

Real Choice On Issues In Attorney General Race
('The San Francisco Examiner' Notes Republican Nominee Dave Stirling,
Who Fought Against Proposition 215 But Opposes Suing The Tobacco Industry
Over Smoking Costs, Is Running Against Democratic Nominee Bill Lockyer,
Who Supports Medical Marijuana, For The Seat Being Vacated By Dan Lungren)

Date: Thu, 4 Jun 1998 21:16:28 -0800
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US CA: Real Choice On Issues In Attorney General Race
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: compassion23@geocities.com (Frank S. World)
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Source: San Francisco Examiner
Contact: letters@examiner.com
Website: http://www.examiner.com
Author: Vicki Haddock Of The Examiner Staff


Sharp differences on gun control, abortion, tobacco, marijuana divide
Stirling, Lockyer

The fall contest for state attorney general -- California's top lawyer --
will be a showdown between two politicos with dramatic differences on gun
control, medical marijuana, abortion, tobacco liability and even the
essence of the job itself.

Republican nominee Dave Stirling of Walnut Grove, whose biggest claim to
fame is that of lightning-rod deputy to outgoing Attorney General Dan
Lungren, has been a private lawyer, legislator and judge. Popular with
party activists but not with California prosecutors, Stirling plans to
seize the job's bully pulpit to extol "family values."

Democratic nominee Bill Lockyer of Hayward, forced out by term limits as
president of the state Senate, is a night-school graduate of the McGeorge
Law School who has never tried a jury case. Nonetheless, he is regarded as
one of the Capitol's most seasoned and savvy legislators, crafting detailed
bills to overhaul the criminal and civil justice systems. Lockyer vows to
fortify the role of the attorney general's office in consumer and
environmental protection.

Both candidates favor the death penalty and talk tough on violent crime.

Although the attorney general has been dubbed the state's "top cop," county
district attorneys actually handle most criminal cases. The attorney
general's office picks up criminal appeals, including death penalty cases,
offers investigative backup to police, acts as the lawyer for state
agencies and decides which cases of corporate misbehavior, civil rights
violations and environmental damage it will tackle on behalf of California

The office has an annual budget of $400 million and employs nearly 5,000

It also has a legacy of luring politicians with yet loftier ambitions. Earl
Warren, Pat Brown and George Deukmejian were former state attorneys general
who stepped up to become governor -- a feat Lungren hopes to duplicate.

Impressive Candidate Pool

The attorney general's race attracted perhaps the most impressive array of
candidates for any state constitutional office.

The man who lost Tuesday's GOP primary to Stirling, Orange County District
Attorney Michael Capizzi, is a tough career prosecutor who was endorsed by
51 of California's 58 county district attorneys.

On the Democratic side, Lockyer's opponents included fellow state Sen.
Charles Calderon, who followed him as chairman of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, and Lynn Schenk, a former congresswoman, deputy state attorney
general and private counsel.

Both men defeated their nearest challengers by about a 2-1 margin.

Three of the state's four attorneys general elected since 1970 have been
Republicans, but Lockyer is an adroit fund-raiser expected to outspend

Much of his money comes from traditional Democratic sources: trial lawyers
and labor unions. Stirling's major financial backers are American Indian
tribes operating casinos in California without government approval.

Minimalist View Of Job

Stirling's view of the job has been described as minimalist.

He opposed suing the tobacco industry over smoking costs, arguing that
individuals should be responsible for their own decisions to smoke. He also
opposed pursuing a false advertising case involving the size of computer
screens, suggesting that local district attorneys dispose of the case
without a monetary settlement (they obtained one anyway).

And when a state appeals court affirmed the conviction of a man who
possessed an assault weapon, Stirling -- an opponent of gun control --
asked the state Supreme Court to rule that the specific gun involved was
not technically covered by the ban.

Stirling favors restricting abortions after the first 45 days of pregnancy
and fought against Proposition 215, the initiative legalizing marijuana for
medicinal purposes.

Lockyer opposes any abortion restrictions, supports medicinal marijuana and
has repeatedly voted for stronger gun control laws.

Over the years, Lockyer has taken heat for casting votes favoring
industries that contributed to his campaigns, including $184,000 from the
tobacco industry. One of Lockyer's legendary last-minute compromises
exempted cigarette companies from some lawsuits over smoking-related
illnesses -- an exemption the Legislature later repealed. But as
anti-smoking sentiment mounted, Lockyer reversed himself on tobacco issues
and last year blocked legislation that would have allowed smokers to keep
lighting up in California bars.

1998 San Francisco Examiner

It's None Of Your Business ('San Francisco Chronicle' Columnist Jon Carroll
Says The Government And Major Corporations Want To Change People's Views
On Privacy - If You're One Of Us You Have 'Nothing To Hide' -
The Message We Get From Television Cop Shows Is That People Who Insist
On Their Rights Are Scum - They Are Always Guilty - People Who Ask
For Lawyers Are Only Interested In Thwarting Justice)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:04:22 -0400
To: DrugSense News Service 
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US: Column: It's None Of Your Business
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: compassion23@geocities.com (Frank S. World)
Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA)
Contact: chronletters@sfgate.com
Website: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Columnist: Jon Carroll


THERE IS A new device for American citizens who cross the U.S.-Mexican
border frequently. The device reads palm prints and displays relevant
information, including photo, on a video screen. Instant ID. No annoying
fumbling for documents. Traffic back-ups minimized -- if you're in the
database. If you're One Of Us.

A man using the device was asked whether he minded the government having
all that information on file. ``Heck, no,'' he said. ``I have nothing to

We used to believe that the desire for privacy was a normal thing. We used
to believe that it did not have to be explained or justified. We used to
believe that sensible people, living their lives every day, had a default
right to be left the hell alone.

Now that has changed. We now believe that only criminals desire a default
right to privacy. We now believe that people who want to be left alone have
``something to hide.'' We now believe that having ``something to hide'' is
a bad thing.

It is an odd view of human behavior. It ignores certain well-known facts.
Almost all of us have something to hide. Humans are prone to error; guilt
and shame are universal emotions. We are uninterested in having our errors
exposed to the light of public scrutiny.

There's always been that tension in a democracy. There are times when
shameful behavior should be publicized. If you take a bribe to cut corners
on that bridge you're building, your malfeasance should be exposed. If you
sell government secrets, or murder children, or defraud stockholders, you
must stand in public and be judged.

But suppose you have a secret that is embarrassing but not criminal.
Something medical, for instance. Or suppose you did something criminal once
but then paid your debt to society. Who has a right to know that? Is hiding
something always bad? Are secrets always threatening?

The right to privacy includes the right to have secrets. Secrets are
normal. In a free society, we get to have secrets. Increasingly, there is a
concerted propaganda effort to suggest that only villains want to have
secrets, that only bad guys need privacy.

THE GOVERNMENT HAS an interest in changing people's views on privacy. Major
corporations have a similar interest. They want information about us. They
want to keep track of us. They want to know where we are, and what we need,
and how much money we have.

It's part of the bargain we made. Conservatives tried to warn us, but we
failed to listen. We failed to listen because raillery against big
government was often tied to racial bigotry or rapacious business
practices. So we got equal opportunity laws and anti-trust laws. We got
social programs that issued checks to many citizens.

But in order to ensure equal opportunity; in order to monitor commerce; in
order to issue checks, a database was needed. The database proved to be
enormously useful. Political parties, law enforcement agencies and
corporations quickly understood the utility of databases.

But you can't have complete databases if people are fretful about privacy.

CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS ARE the enemy of efficient government. Look at the
message we are given in the television cop shows. People who insist on
their rights are scum. They are always guilty. People who ask for lawyers
are only interested in thwarting justice.

In the context of modern law enforcement, the Fifth Amendment is
inexplicable. The idea that someone cannot be forced to testify against
themselves is a weird remnant of a previous civilization.

Only in the narrowest sense, only in the final stage of the criminal
justice system, are you innocent until proven guilty. Mostly you are
presumed guilty, which is why you have no right of privacy. Innocent people
have ``nothing to hide.'' If you insist on hiding something, you are
guilty. More tomorrow.

I'm not a coward, I've just never been tested; I'd like to think that if I
was I'd pass, just like jrc@sfgate.com

If you're so innocent, why are you wearing clothing and speaking French?

Copyright 1998 San Francisco Chronicle

Saturday Demonstration At Orange County Federal Building In Santa Ana,
California, Commemorates Casualties From The War On Some Drug Users
(Orange County Hemp Council Says The 'Funeral' For Loved Ones Lost
To The Drug War Will Feature Many Groups And Speakers,
Including Todd McCormick, Cliff Schaffer, Representatives From
Families Amending California Three Strikes And The Cannabis Freedom Fund)
Link to The November Coalition
Subject: DPFCA: Fwd: press release
Sender: owner-dpfca@drugsense.org
Reply-To: dpfca@drugsense.org
Organization: DrugSense

Please come and make a stand against the WAR ON US !

She Who Remembers
From: "Dale Schneider" (dschneider@cyberannex.com)
To: (remembers@webtv.net)
Subject: press release
Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 14:37:25 -0700


A funeral is a gathering of tears and remembrance for loved
ones lost. This Saturday June 6 a special type of funeral will
be held for those lost to prison because of America's war on
drugs. Local activists along with, The Orange County Hemp
Council (OCHC), Families Amending California's Three Strikes
(FACTS), and the Cannabis Freedom Fund (CFF), are planning a day of
education/remembrance in conjunction with a worldwide protest against the
war on drugs.

Groups from a variety of causes are already confirmed to speak including;
Richard Boddie, Kubby for Governor, Doug Kieso, Families Amending
California Three Strikes (FACTS) Brother Evans, FACTS, Anna Boyce,
Proposition 215 proponent, George Reis, Reis for Councilman, Todd
McCormick, medical cannabis patient, Cliff Schaffer, co-author Hoover
resolution and surviving family members of Three-Strike convictions.

Their voices will put a human face on the casualties caused by America's
longest war and invite the audience to view a pictorial record of the
victims. On a mock prison wall, portraits of pain, the names, faces and
stories of the victims, will be displayed for the public to see.

Members from FACTS will on hand, to discuss and display the carnage visited
upon their lives by a cruel law. Some photos are so disturbing it's hard not
to get emotionally involved. Like Three-Strikes wife and FACTS member
Christy Johnston and her portrait of pain, a snapshot of the heart
wrenching moment of final separation.

It is this pain that makes are groups come together across the globe and we
invite all those who share this pain to attend this Saturday. The event is
scheduled to begin at 12:00 and is located at the Orange County Federal
Building in Santa Ana, CA. At the intersection of Santa Ana Blvd and
Flower St, parking is on Parton.

For more information call OCHC at 714-301-9798.


David Myers

Border Agent Slain During Arrest ('Associated Press' Says A US Customs
Border Patrol Agent In Arizona Was Shot To Death Early Wednesday
While Trying To Arrest Five Suspected Marijuana Smugglers,
Who Then Escaped From The Agent's Partner)

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 02:19:19 -0400
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US AZ: Wire: Border Agent Slain During Arrest
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Source: Associated Press


TUCSON, Ariz. (AP) -- A Border Patrol agent was shot to death early
Wednesday while trying to arrest five suspected marijuana smugglers, who
then escaped from the agent's partner.

FBI agents scoured the rugged hills northwest of Nogales, about two miles
north of the border, after the 1 a.m. shooting.

Alexander Kirpnick, 27, was shot in the head after he and his partner had
stopped the suspects and Kirpnick had ordered two to sit. His partner, who
was not identified, heard a shot and found Kirpnick on the ground, said
Border Patrol spokesman Rob Daniels.

As the partner, who was not injured, called for assistance, the suspects fled.

Law enforcement agencies on both sides of the border, including two
dog-tracking teams, began searching for them. Bundles of marijuana were
recovered at the scene, Daniels said.

Kirpnick was flown to a hospital in Tucson where he was pronounced dead.

Kirpnick and his partner had waited for the suspected smugglers, who were
carrying backpacks, for about an hour after a ground sensor detected an
illegal border entry. Nogales is 60 miles south of Tucson.

``It's rough terrain, obviously very difficult to travel, especially at
night and carrying a load,'' Santa Cruz County Sheriff Tony Estrada said.

Estrada, whose office was assisting in the search for the suspects, said
there was a strong possibility the smugglers had fled back into Mexico.

Kirpnick had emigrated from Russia a decade ago and joined the Border Patrol
in 1996.

``It's just a major loss for us,'' Daniels said.

Let's Federalize All Crimes, And Get Rid Of States (Letter To The Editor
Of 'The Daily Arizona Star' By An Inmate At A Nearby Federal Prison
Examines The Rationale For Making Virtually Any Crime A Federal Offense)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 21:44:37 -0400
To: november-l@november.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US AZ: OPED: Let's Federalize All Crimes,
And Get Rid Of States
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: compassion23@geocities.com (Frank S. World)
Source: Daily Arizona Star
Contact: letters@azstarnet.com
Website: http://www.azstarnet.com/
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Author: David A. Nichols
Note: David Nichols is a prisoner at the Federal Correctional Institution
on South Wilmot Road.


In its prosecution of the so-called ``war on drugs,'' the federal
government has taken over powers usually reserved to state and local
governments. For instance, if a person grows, harvests and sells marijuana
all within the borders of a single state, one would assume the federal
government has no jurisdiction.

However, think again: Congress, in its infinite wisdom, decided long ago
that the ``local distribution and possession of controlled substances
contribute to swelling the interstate traffic in such substances.'' The
courts, including the Supreme Court, of course acquiesced to Congress.
After all, this is a holy war on drugs.

In fact, the Supreme Court has held for several decades now that behavior
consummated totally within a state, but that has an ``effect'' on
interstate commerce, can be regulated by the federal government. That is
how all firearms are federally regulated. They are made in one state and
shipped to another. You buy it; you come under federal regulations.

Similarly, the federal carjacking law is based on the premise that because
an automobile is manufactured in one state and sold in another, it can be
regulated by the feds. So, if some young punk forces you from your car and
steals it, he has now committed a federal crime without having to cross a
state line.

I guess this is all well and good. The American public is not complaining
much about the widening sphere of federalism.

Indeed, building on the premises for these laws, we can now make drunk
driving a federal crime. Here's how it would work: The federal government
would have jurisdiction because the drunk would be driving an automobile
that was shipped via interstate commerce on roads that were paid for (at
least in part) with federal funds while under the influence of alcohol that
was probably shipped interstate.

There are probably more reasons why drunk driving, as well as the drunk
himself, could be regulated directly by federal law - but why bother? It is
clear that under the present drift any crime could be made federal now.
Say, for instance, parking tickets - or shoplifting.

I say it's about time, then. Let's get rid of states and make them all
federal districts. Then we could have one central government controlling
everything from Washington, D.C. It's the next logical step in the
evolution of our nation.

Panel Ponders Approach To `War On Drugs' ('The Salt Lake Tribune'
Says Two Of Utah's Top Prosecutors, David Schwendiman And Jerome Mooney,
A Federal Judge, Bruce Jenkins, And Attorneys Neal Gunnarson, Mary Corporon
And Robert Archuleta Agreed Tuesday Evening That It May Be Time
To Temper The War On Some Drug Users, During A Panel Discussion
At St. Mark's Cathedral In Salt Lake City Titled, 'Voices
From The Front Lines - Should We End The War On Drugs?')

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:18:23 -0400
To: DrugSense News Service 
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US UT: Panel Ponders Approach To `War On Drugs'
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: compassion23@geocities.com (Frank S. World)
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Source: The Salt Lake Tribune
Author: Patty Henetz, The Salt Lake Tribune
Contact: editor@sltrib.com
Website: http://www.sltrib.com/


Two of Utah's top prosecutors, a federal judge and three attorneys agree
that it may be time to temper the so-called ``war on drugs.''

At the very least, the courts and politicians should rethink their martial
stance. ``It is the wrong metaphor,'' said U.S. Attorney David Schwendiman
during a Tuesday evening panel. ``When you conduct a war, you kill your

And in war, collateral damage is acceptable, added attorney Jerome Mooney,
an opponent of the federal system of minimum-mandatory sentencing. ``In
certain cities, we have gone into certain neighborhoods and basically
declared them war zones,'' he said, which has led to counterproductive
racial and class-based stigmatization.

U.S. District Judge Bruce Jenkins moderated the discussion, held at St.
Mark's Cathedral in Salt Lake City and titled, ``Voices From the Front
Lines: Should We End the War on Drugs?'' The panel, whose other members
were Salt Lake County District Attorney Neal Gunnarson and attorneys Mary
Corporon and Robert Archuleta, was one of four scheduled throughout the
summer as community discussions on the ethical issues surrounding federal
drug policies.

It is a discussion that has engaged White House drug czar Gen. Barry
McCaffrey, who was in Salt Lake City on Monday to announce a $600,000 grant
to suppress methamphetamine production in Utah. While that grant is
expected to go largely to interdiction, McCaffrey repeatedly has said he,
too, has tired of the notion of making war on drugs. ``Wars are expected to
end,'' he said in a 1997 policy statement. ``Addressing drug abuse is a
continuing challenge.''

During the panel discussion, Corporon said while there are evils and damage
associated with addiction, ``the question is whether we ought to shift that
battle to an arena in which we can win'' -- specifically, education and

``Ever since we criminalized [drugs], our crime rate has increased. Drug
use has continued to increase,'' she said. Spending more on law enforcement
and upping the sentencing ante has reduced neither drug use nor
drug-related crimes. The war on drugs was the brainchild of President
Ronald Reagan, who started it in 1982 as an anti-marijuana initiative.
Studies have shown that teen marijuana use has doubled since 1992. At the
same time, the number of people arrested for marijuana use has grown more
than 40 percent. In 1980, there were twice as many violent offenders in
federal prisons as drug offenders; that statistic has since flipped. More
people are now in prison for marijuana convictions than for manslaughter or

The 1997 federal budget for anti-drug programs was $15.3 billion.
Two-thirds of that went to interdiction. There are now 1.3 million people
in federal and state prisons in America, which has the highest
incarceration rate in the world. And sentences are disproportionate. A
recent television report cited the case of a man sentenced to 93 years in
prison for growing marijuana on his farm; in the same prison, another
inmate served five years for murder.

Such inequities are ``a political choice,'' Schwendiman said, made by
politicians who wish to appear tough on crime.

Gunnarson, who drew a distinction between marijuana and harder drugs, noted
that elected officials find softer approaches entail political risk.

When he set up Salt Lake County's federally funded drug court, ``I was
afraid that I would be perceived as a social worker, not tough on crime.''
Now, though, he is being asked to expand the program, which allows certain
drug offenders to plead guilty and then enter a two-year treatment program.

Ex-Chief Pleads No Contest To Drug Count ('The Tulsa World'
Says Former Collinsville, Oklahoma, Police Chief Don Abel
Pleaded No Contest Tuesday To A Charge Of Distributing
A Controlled Substance, Ephedrine, To A Former Dispatcher -
Don Able's Defense Attorney Expects Able To Receive
A Deferred Sentence)

Date: Fri, 5 Jun 1998 09:24:21 -0700
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US OK: Ex-Chief Pleads No Contest to Drug Count
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: Michael Pearson 
Source: Tulsa World (OK)
Contact: tulsaworld@mail.webtek.com
Website: http://www.tulsaworld.com
Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998
Author: Bill Braun


Sentencing for Don Able, who is the former chief of police in Collinsville,
is scheduled for July 17.

Former Collinsville Police Chief Don Abel pleaded no contest Tuesday to a
charge of distributing a controlled drug to a former dispatcher two years

Sentencing for Abel, 58, is set for July 17.

Tulsa District Judge Ned Turnbull made no finding of guilt.

He ordered Abel, who remains free on bail, to perform 80 hours of community
service and directed the Department of Corrections to conduct a background

Assistant District Attorney Larry Edwards will recommend a two-year sentence.

Defense attorney Everett Bennett said he expects Abel to receive a deferred
sentence, in which the case would be dismissed with no conviction if Abel
followed the requirements of a two-year probation.

Abel was charged in August 1996 with delivering ephedrine to Cherry Fifer,
a Collinsville dispatcher from 1989 until 1992.

Abel -- then police chief of Collinsville -- was arrested June 26, 1996, at
the Saratoga Motor Hotel, 10117 E. 11th St.

At a preliminary hearing, Fifer said Abel appeared "in full uniform" for a
rendezvous at the Tulsa motel.

She testified that on several occasions Abel had mentioned the idea of
exchanging drugs for sex.

Fifer said Abel handed her two small plastic bags before FBI agents entered
the room and arrested him.

No sexual activity occurred, she said.

Bennett maintained Tuesday that Abel went to the motel for "strictly law
enforcement" purposes.

Abel did not go there to have a sexual encounter and did "not intend to
deliver a controlled substance," Bennett said.

Abel was suspended from duty by the Collinsville City Commission in July
1996 before being fired as police chief three months later.

Turnbull previously denied a motion to dismiss the charge, based on
Bennett's contention that ephedrine is "commonly sold over the counter" for
legitimate use.

At a 1996 preliminary hearing, a police chemist indicated that the
ephedrine detected in powdery contents tested in this case was not in the
tablet or dosage form associated with an over-the-counter drug.

Ephedrine was originally approved as an asthma fighter and has been
marketed as producing euphoria, increased sexual awareness and enhanced
athletic performance.

Bombshell - Police Spy Fuels Charges Against Chief Coulbourn Dykes
('The Daily Times' In Salisbury Maryland, Says The Salisbury Mayor's Effort
To Oust His Police Chief Is Motivated By Allegations From Another Cop
Assigned To Spy On An Undercover Drug Operation That The Police Chief
Mismanaged Funds Derived From Selling Cars Seized During Undercover
Drug Operations)

Date: Fri, 05 Jun 1998 00:13:36 -0500
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US MD: Bombshell - Police Spy Fuels Charges
Against Chief Coulbourn Dykes
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: Rob Ryan
Source: Daily Times (Salisbury MD)
Pubdate: June 3rd, 1998
Contact: newsroom@shore.intercom.net
Author: Bryn Mickle


SALISBURY -- Reports by a former Salisbury police lieutenant assigned
to spy on an undercover drug operation are fueling Mayor Barrie
Parsons Tilghman's effort to oust Coulbourn Dykes from his post as
city police chief.

A 2-inch thick black briefing binder Tilghman gave to City Council
members May 22 documents Shelley A. McKinney's allegations Dykes
mismanaged funds derived from the sales of cars seized during
undercover drug operations.

Dykes was placed on unpaid administrative leave Monday, pending a
hearing on Tilghman's charges Dykes is guilty of neglect of duty,
inefficiency and disreputable conduct. Tilghman has also requested the
council reinstate McKinney to her position on the police force.

Tilghman further stated in a May 22 memo that she believed former City
Council President Carolyn Hall did not share with council McKinney's
April 27 resignation letter that outlined McKinney's allegations of
misconduct by Dykes.

McKinney alleges she was ordered to spy on members of the Wicomico
County Narcotics Task Force during an internal audit of Salisbury's
disposal of seized vehicles. As part of the 11 year-old undercover
drug team, Salisbury police were responsible for disposing of vehicles
and putting the proceeds back into the WINTF budget.

In the binder given to the council last month, Tilghman outlined
numerous charges against Dykes and Steve Hitch, the man hired by WINTF
to sell the cars.

Among the charges leveled by McKinney:

-- An $8,000 1988 Ford Tempo was sold to local NAACP chapter chairman
Warren White for $160 and Dykes falsified a bill of sale to allow
White to have the car titled in his name.

-- Dykes never recorded a purchase price for 36 cars handled by the
task force, including a $10,000 1988 Mercedes.

-- Hitch traded two cars in exchange for getting the carpets in his
home and insurance agency cleaned.

-- A $15,000 1988 Harley Davidson was sold for $3,500 to William P.
Hearne Jr. in 1994. McKinney alleges Hearne also gave Hitch a $5,000
donation on the same day and that Hitch ignored a $10,000 offer from a
police officer for the bike.

-- A $550 check for a 1989 Dodge Shadow and $2,100 for four other
vehicles never made it into the WINTF account. Instead, McKinney
alleged, the money was deposited into an account for a fictitious
business named ``Salisbury Practical Shooting Supplies.''

McKinney claims Salisbury police Maj. Jeff Livingston ordered her to
spy on the task force in September 1997, because Dykes was concerned
WINTF members were not working and the group's record keeping was
``extremely flawed.''

McKinney said she discovered no problems with the performance of the
task force, but found the proceeds from the vehicles being sold were
not being deposited in the WINTF account.

McKinney's 14-page memo said she informed WINTF spokesman Wicomico
County Sheriff R. Hunter Nelms of her findings and was told by Nelms
he thought it was a matter of poor paperwork and documentation.
McKinney, however, said she felt the problems went deeper than bad

The documents allege McKinney ran into several roadblocks with
Salisbury police officials, including now-interim Police Chief Col. Ed
Guthrie, Livingston and Dykes.

Claiming Hitch lied to her about the sale of the 1988 Mercedes,
McKinney declined Nelms' request to be on a second WINTF audit team
Nov. 19, 1997, and said she was ``tired of being in the middle of
Chief Dykes and his friends.'' McKinney added she felt ``extremely
intimidated'' by Dykes and ``feared reprisals from him.''

McKinney resigned from the police department following an April 24,
1998, episode in which she alleges Guthrie and Livingston told her

that her husband, Salisbury Police Lt. Charles McKinney, was being
accused of conducting an investigation regarding the task force.

Shelley McKinney said the administration then ordered her transferred
to a shift opposite her husband's, creating a severe hardship for her
and her family.

In Tilghman's memo to council members, the mayor said her review of
Shelley McKinney's records led her to believe it is inconceivable the
irregularities and improprieties occurred without Dykes' knowledge.

``The conclusion seems inescapable Chief Dykes handled these matters
either corruptly or incompetently,'' Tilghman stated.

Police Spy Fuels Flames Surrounding The Suspension Of Chief Coulbourn Dykes
(A Lengthier Account In The Salisbury, Maryland, 'Daily Times'
By Salisbury's New Mayor, Barrie Parsons Tilghman)

Date: Sun, 14 Jun 1998 16:16:55 -0400
To: DrugSense News Service 
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US MD: Police Spy Fuels Flames Surrounding The Suspension Of
Chief Coulbourn Dykes
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: Rob Ryan
Pubdate: 3 June 1008
Source: Daily Times, The (MD)
Contact: newsroom@shore.intercom.net
Author: Bryn Mickle
Author: Mayor Barrie Parsons Tilghman


Shortly after my election, I became aware the city had withdrawn from the
Wicomico County Narcotics Task Force (WINTF). To my knowledge, the city's
withdrawal had gone unreported in the press, and I therefore sought written
confirmation, which I soon obtained, in the form of letters from Chief
Coulbourn Dykes (April 3) and City Solicitor Robert Eaton (April 15).

Since WINTF has been widely praised as the second-most-effective operation
of its sort in Maryland, I was surprised and distressed to learn of the
city's sudden withdrawal. As I investigated, I became greatly concerned
the city's exit from WINTF was designed to prevent the detection of
mismanagement of public property by the city and its agents.

The city entered into WINTF by written agreement dated Sept. 17, 1987. The
members of the Task Force were the city of Salisbury, the Wicomico County
Sheriff's Department, the State's Attorney for Wicomico County and Maryland
State Police; the towns of Fruitland and Delmar joined the Task Force as
"associate" members.

The formation of WINTF came about in response to the need for cooperative
efforts to halt drug-related crime in the Salisbury metropolitan area.

As WINTF got under way, its funding increasingly depended on confiscated
cash and the sale of property, principally vehicles, seized from drug
dealers. As explained on page seven of the agreement, this property was to
be sold, the proceeds paid over to the Task Force and a careful record of
the transaction made, including the approximate value of the property and
"final disposition or distribution."

Within a year, the responsibility for selling WINTF vehicles, collecting
the proceeds for WINTF, and accounting for the transactions, had been
undertaken by Chief Dykes. Chief Dykes, in turn, entrusted these matters
to Stephen Hitch, a local insurance agent. Although no written agreement
was entered into, Mr. Hitch was authorized by the Chief to sell the
vehicles belonging to WINTF (and in some cases, to the City of Salisbury)
and remit the proceeds; Mr. Hitch was to handle these matters gratuitously,
as a public service.

The Task Force's activities have been managed by an advisory board on which
each participating agency maintains a representative. In 1996, members of
the Task Force advisory board began questioning what was happening to
seized vehicles and the proceeds from their sale. As these questions
became increasingly insistent, an audit team comprised of deputy state's
attorney Sam Vincent, Lt. Doris Schonbrunner of the Sheriff's Department
and City Police Lt. Shelley McKinney was established. (Lt. McKinney
relates her initial SPD assignment was to "spy" on other Task Force members.)

After Lt. McKinney had become outspoken in her criticism of Mr. Hitch's
transactions, Chief Dykes removed her from the audit team and replaced her
with Major Jeff Livingston. (Simultaneously, Chief Dykes relieved Lt.
McKinney of her duties as lieutenant in the criminal investigation division
and assigned her duties involving less responsibility, though at the same
rate of pay and with no demotion in rank.)

In March of this year, the WINTF audit team, by then comprised of Chief
Deputy Kirk Daugherty, Lt. Schonbrunner, MSP Sgt. Ron Petty, Major
Livingston and MSP Lt. Mike Spalding, submitted a report reaching the
following conclusion:

"It is apparent that there were many improprieties that occurred over the
years concerning the selling of forfeited vehicles ... (I)t is quite
evident that there are no standard operating procedures in place concerning
selling and tracking of forfeited vehicles. During the investigation no
consistent rules, guidelines or procedures were located about tracking the
vehicles. It is apparent that once the vehicles left the Task Force
compound, there was no follow-up as to what happened to the vehicles."

At about the same time, (March of this year), Chief Dykes issued an amended
internal directive instructing city police officers to refrain from contact
or communication with the mayor and members of the City Council. The
directive also admonished:

"The Mayor and members of the City Council have no obligation to follow the
chain of command, Mayor to the Chief, before meeting with any employee of
this agency to discuss department policy and/or procedures. If any such
meeting is initiated, the employee will promptly notify the Chief who will
re-establish the chain of command."

On April 27, Lt. McKinney resigned. Since Lt. McKinney is no longer
employed by the City Police Department, she apparently felt at liberty to
communicate directly with elected officials. That same day, she delivered
to then-Council President Carolyn Hall a memo addressed to "The Honorable
members of the Salisbury City Council." I am under the impression Ms. Hall
may not have distributed copies.

As you will see when you review Lt. McKinney's memo, it summarizes the
findings of her investigation of the WINTF vehicle account and her
conclusion "it was more than a poor paper work problem" (page four). I
obtained a copy of Lt. McKinney's memo last week, and, after discussing it
with Lt. McKinney (and obtaining a copy of her investigation notes), became
distressed about the situation generally and in particular her contention
Chief Dykes had ordered WINTF information deleted from Salisbury Police
Department computers (pages 10-14). I have since obtained a copy of the
report produced by the audit team, and am convinced it, viewed in
connection with the other information at our disposal, confirms gross
mismanagement of Task Force property occurred while that property was
entrusted to Chief Dykes.

Chief Dykes, as the city's representative on the Task Force, was charged
with selling vehicles seized by the Task Force and keeping accurate sales
records. However, the vehicles and monies derived from their sale were
mismanaged, and the supporting documentation was at best inadequate and at
worst misleading. Mr. Hitch, the person to whom Chief Dykes had entrusted
these matters, apparently sold the vehicles to associates and acquaintances
for inadequate consideration, exchanged them for personal services and
filmed them in commercials made for his personal business. Assuming, for
present purposes, Chief Dykes knew nothing of this, the situation is
nonetheless one in which the chief established a personal friend in a
position of trust, consigned public property to his care, maintained little
or no oversight, and then reacted angrily and obstructively when attempts
were made to remedy the problems. This situation is particularly
distressing when one considers WINTF was engaged in extremely hazardous law
enforcement activities and was at least partially dependent for its funding
on the monies derived from the sales mismanaged by Mr. Hitch.

To make matters still worse, Chief Dykes and Mr. Eaton have now effectively
brought about the city's exit from the Task Force under circumstances
strongly suggesting the underlying motive was to escape detection. (I am
reliably informed Chief Dykes' explanation to other Task Force members was
he did "not want the Attorney General's office coming down now.")

Of the approximately 180 vehicles seized by the Task Force and entrusted to
Chief Dykes for resale, 36 were identified by the audit team as involving
irregularities. For these 36, the records maintained by Chief Dykes were
substantially incomplete, and for many vehicles no purchase price was
recorded. Two of the vehicles were apparently swapped by Mr. Hitch in
exchange for getting the carpets in his home and insurance office cleaned.

Additionally, several vehicles were used by Mr. Hitch to stage accidents
that were filmed (apparently together with a marked city police car and
perhaps also a uniformed police woman) for TV commercials soliciting
business for Mr. Hitch's insurance agency. A number of the sales made by
Mr. Hitch, purportedly on behalf of the Task Force, resulted in checks
being issued to a fictitious entity, "Salisbury Practical Shooting
Supplies," apparently used by Mr. Hitch as an alter ego.

But by far the majority of the irregularities discovered were simply
transactions in which Mr. Hitch sold Task Force vehicles, at grossly
inadequate prices, to friends and business acquaintances of himself and/or
Chief Dykes. To give you some flavor of the irregularities and
improprieties detected, I will summarize a few.

One of the first irregularities uncovered by the audit efforts was in
connection with a l988 Ford Tempo, seized by the Task Force Jan. 19, 1990,
and identified in the audit report as vehicle #30. In his records, Chief
Dykes assigns an appraised value of $8,000.00 to this vehicle. According to
Lt. McKinney's notes, the city paid off a lien on the vehicle in August of
1990, in the amount of $4,126.88. Chief Dykes' records contain no sales
price figure for this vehicle, and there is no record of any deposit in the
Task Force account in connection with this vehicle. According to MVA
records, however, the car was sold to Warren White, an employee of Mr.
Hitch's insurance agency, Nov. 25, 1992. Though Lt. McKinney's notes
indicate Mr. Hitch, when questioned in November 1997, denied selling the
vehicle to Mr. White, MVA records reflect the vehicle was sold to Mr. White
for $1,800.00. Mr. White, when questioned, stated he had paid for the
vehicle using a Bank of Fruitland check, in the amount of approximately
$1,200.00, with Mr. Hitch paying the balance on his behalf. The only check
Mr. White could produce, however, dated Nov. 25, 1992, was in the amount
of $160.00. After a subpoena had been served on the Bank of Fruitland, Mr.
White's bank accounts were searched, but no check could be located made
payable to Mr. Hitch or WINTF in connection with the purchase of this
vehicle. Because Mr. White was paying less than one-half fair market value
for this vehicle, the MVA required him to produce a bill of sale; at Mr.
White's request, Chief Dykes signed the bill of sale which Mr. White then
used to get the vehicle titled in his name.

A second significant irregularity had to do with a 1988 Mercedes, vehicle
#3 in the audit list, seized by the Task Force April 10, 1996, and assigned
by Chief Dykes an appraised value of $10,000.00. No monies are listed by
Chief Dykes as having been received for this vehicle. According to Lt.
McKinney, Oct. 10, 1997, Chief Dykes informed her, in Mr. Hitch's
presence, "You need to talk with Steve, the Mercedes has not been sold and
is sitting on the car lot." According to Lt. McKinney, Mr. Hitch then told
her there were a lot of problems with the vehicle and it had not yet been
sold. However, the next day, MSP Sgt. Joe Branham of the Task Force
contacted the dealership, Bill Creamer's Used Cars in Baltimore, and
determined the vehicle had been sold. The next day, Mr. Hitch informed
investigators the vehicle had been sold "two weeks ago," though he did not
know for how much. On Nov. 13, 1997, the dealership advised the audit
team they had bought the vehicle from Mr. Hitch three months before, for
$4,000.00, and then promptly sold it for $12,000.00. On December 4, 1997,
Mr. Hitch paid the Task Force the sum of $4,000.00 for this vehicle, using
a check drawn on his "rental account." On Feb. 12, 1998, the audit
investigators spoke with William Creamer, of the car dealership, who stated
Mr. Hitch and a business associate, Al Bowling, had come to the dealership
and picked up $4,000.00 in cash over "the summer of 1997," following which
the dealership resold the vehicle for $12,000.00 Aug. 8.

A third irregularity again involves Mr. Hitch's colleague, Al Bowling. The
vehicle in question, identified as #33 in the audit list, was a 1988
Mercury Couger seized July 28, 1988, and assigned an appraised value of
$12,000.00. Chief Dykes fails to indicate any sales monies received for
this vehicle, and there is no record of any related deposit in the WINTF
account. According to the audit report, Mr. Hitch sold this vehicle to
Carroll's Auto Sales for $400.00; a review of MVA records reflected it is
presently registered in the name of Yvonne Ann Burgess, a Baltimore resident.

Audit investigators interviewed Ms. Burgess Jan. 19, 1998. Ms. Burgess
informed the investigators she had been dating Al Bowling approximately 12
years, and Mr. Bowling had given her the car. According to Ms. Burgess,
Mr. Bowling told her the car was a "repo-ed drug car obtained from Steve
Hitch who had access to state police drug cars." Ms. Burgess explained Mr.
Bowling ran a business financing automobile insurance policies and had been
a business associate of Mr. Hitch for many years. Ms. Burgess informed
the investigator Mr. Hitch had previously loaned her another vehicle, a
white Chevrolet Cavalier.

Another irregularity concerns yet another vehicle in whose sale Mr. Bowling
was involved. This vehicle, #7 on the audit list, was a 1989 Honda Prelude
seized by the Task Force November 23, 1994. This vehicle was assigned an
appraised value of $1,500.00, but no sales monies are shown as having been
received. In July of 1995, the vehicle was sold to Alan Bowling for
$500.00, and Aug. 4, 1995, Chief Dykes signed a bill of sale to Mr.
Bowling; Mr. Bowling's niece, Amelia Bowling, is a member of the Salisbury
City police force.

Another impropriety concerns a 1988 Harley Davidson motorcycle, the subject
of local press several weeks ago. This vehicle, listed as #32 on the audit
list, was seized Nov. 9, 1988 and assigned an appraised value of
$15,000.00. No sales monies are shown to have been received in connection
with this vehicle. In 1994, Sgt. Mark Tyler of the City police obtained
an appraisal indicating that, after repairs, the motorcycle was worth
approximately $9,800.00. Sgt. Tyler offered to purchase the motorcycle
for $10,000.00, but his offer was rejected. MVA records reflect the
vehicle was then sold in July of 1994 to William P. Hearne Jr., a business
associate of Mr. Hitch. The vehicle title, signed by Chief Dykes, reflects
a sales price of $3,500.00; however, the WINTF account reflects two
deposits in connection with this vehicle, one for $3,500.00, described as
the purchase price, and the other for $5,000.00, described as a "donation"
from Mr. Hearne. Moreover, it appears Mr. Hitch was for some reason paid a
commission in the amount of $850.00 for the sale of this vehicle, and the
city and/or WINTF paid approximately $1,100.00 for repairs necessary for
the vehicle to pass inspection.

Another disturbing situation revealed by the audit report concerns several
commercials filmed by Mr. Hitch, using public property, to promote his
insurance agency. These commercials were produced by Comcast; a video of
one of the commercials was obtained via a subpoena served on Comcast by the
state's attorney's office. Two Task Force vehicles, vehicle #15 and 16 on
the audit list, were used in one or more of these commercials. (Actually,
vehicle #15, was titled in the name of the city of Salisbury.) According to
audit investigators, Mr. Hitch visited the city range where these vehicles
were kept, and then, with the assistance of city police officer
Klaverweiden, drove the vehicles from the range to Scenic Drive, where a
marked police car awaited them. Mr. Hitch, presumably with the assistance
of Officer Klaverweiden, "staged" an accident involving the two vehicles,
which was filmed for a commercial in which a marked city police car also
appeared. (According to Lt. McKinney, a uniformed city police officer
appeared in the commercial.) Chief Dykes' records reflect no sales monies
received for either vehicle; on Nov. 12, 1997, Mr. Hitch informed
investigators vehicle #16 was at Carroll's, but when investigators visited
that dealership the next day, they found no trace of the vehicle.

Another distressing incident revealed by the audit team was one in which
Mr. Hitch exchanged two Task Force vehicles in return for having the
carpets in his office and home cleaned. The vehicles involved, listed as
#22 and #34 in the audit report, were a 1983 Toyota truck, for which a
$1,200.00 appraised value was assigned, and a 1984 Nissan, for which a
$3,500.00 appraised value was assigned. Chief Dykes' records reflect no
sales monies received for either vehicle, and no deposit to the WINTF
account has been made for either. The investigation revealed both vehicles
were sold to Dan Dougherty, who Mr. Hitch apparently permitted to take
possession of the vehicles under the impression he would be permitted to
buy both for "a couple of hundred dollars each." Subsequently, Mr. Hitch
informed Mr. Daugherty he expected him to pay for the vehicles by providing
$1,000.00 worth of carpet cleaning at Mr. Hitch's office and residence;
when Mr. Dougherty was interviewed in February of this year, he indicated
he still had $200 to work off.

Yet another irregularity uncovered by the audit investigation had to do
with payments collected by Mr. Hitch via checks made payable to "Salisbury
Practical Shooting Supplies." An inquiry to the Maryland State Department
of Assessments and Taxation reveals there is no corporation, partnership or
trade name registered in this state under that name. According to the
audit report, $2,100.00 was given via a "check paid to Salisbury Practical
Shooting Supply" for four vehicles, #'s 9, 10, 13 and 17 on the audit
listing. (Actually, a photocopy of the check shows it was made payable to
"SPSS," from which I infer the officers who wrote the report were familiar
with Salisbury Practical Shooting and its association with the "SPSS"
acronym.) The $2,100.00 never found its way to the WINTF account, despite
the fact Chief Dykes was apparently identified as the "seller," in
connection with the sale of at least one vehicle, vehicle #9 (a 1984
Chevrolet Citation). Another vehicle, a 1989 Dodge Shadow listed as #36 on
the audit list, was purchased by Thompson's Garage for $550.00 April 15,
1997; the check was made payable to "WINTF," but was never deposited in the
WINTF account. According to the audit report, Mr. Hitch acknowledged
receiving the check, but endorsed it "for deposit only" on behalf of
"Practical Shooting."

In reviewing these irregularities and improprieties, I find it
inconceivable they occurred without Chief Dykes' knowledge. But giving
Chief Dykes the benefit of the doubt, and assuming he was ignorant of these
matters, one wonders how he could have overlooked the mismanagement of
responsibilities entrusted to him, where the mismanagement occurred
virtually under his nose and could have been prevented by the most
elementary supervision. Indeed, had Chief Dykes maintained accurate and
complete records of the vehicle transactions, as the Task Force agreement
(not to mention common sense) dictated, he would quickly have discovered
the irregularities.

The conclusion seems inescapable Chief Dykes handled these matters either
corruptly or incompetently. I propose we take prompt action together to
call for Chief Dykes' resignation or, if he will not resign, his suspension
without pay pending the resolution of charges seeking his termination.

I further propose we direct our legal counsel to contact Lt. McKinney to
determine her wishes concerning possible reinstatement. Also,
(particularly since I am informed Mr. Hitch spent the better part of May
12, 13 and 14 at City Police Headquarters, in conference with Chief Dykes),
I strongly urge we instruct our police personnel Mr. Hitch is no longer
authorized to perform services of any kind on behalf of the city.

Finally: As I stated at the outset, I am concerned the city has
precipitously (and I infer without your approval) withdrawn from the
Narcotics Task Force. I am told the reason given for the city's exit was
concern about legal liability for our officers operating in Task Force
activities inside of the city limits. However, since the city has more
than adequate insurance, and since municipal police departments continually
participate in such activities in Task Forces around the state, I find the
asserted reason unconvincing, and most candidly state I suspect the real
reason for our sudden flight likely was the desire to avoid bad press.

Personally, though I have not yet had an opportunity to assess the Task
Force's general effectiveness, I am under the impression the city is
probably well-served by continued participation in the Task Force, and
would propose we immediately correspond with other Task Force members to
hold in abeyance the withdrawal initiated by Chief Dykes and Mr. Eaton.

Feds Overrule State Law Again (List Subscriber Summarizes A Bulletin
Tonight From WRKN In Nashville, Tennessee, Saying Federal Drug Agents
Raided Tobacco Shops In Downtown Nashville And Confiscated Anything
That Could Remotely Be Called Paraphernalia, Ignoring Tennessee Law,
Supposedly In Order 'To Protect The Children,' Though No Children
Were Allowed To Enter The Stores)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:35:53 -0500
From: "Dr. Richard E. Pearl, Sr." (rpearl1@hotcom.net)
Subject: CanPat - Feds overrule state law again
Sender: owner-cannabis-patriots-l@teleport.com

My friends,

It was reported tonight on WRKN, Channel 2 in Nashville, Tennessee that
Federal Drug agents raided several tobacco shops in downtown Nashville
and confiscated anything that could remotely be called paraphernalia
despite the Tennessee law which says as long as a pipe is used and sold
for use with tobacco it is legal. Obviously that does not agree with
federal law.

The reporters stated that several legitimate businesses were raided and
had thousands of dollars worth of merchandise confiscated.
Additionally, if I understood the report correctly, a warehouse and/or
manufacturer of these pipes was also raided.

The report showed on camera that signs were posted in the stores that
were raided which specifically stated that any mention of illegal
products would be grounds for the customer to be refused service and
removed from the premises and that all products were for use with
tobacco only. These precautions satisfy Tennessee law. The Feds stated
that "It's to protect the children." No mention was made that none of
the products in the store are legal to sell to children and that the
signs on the doors said not to enter if you are under 18.

It is painfully obvious that the results of voting by the people and the
laws made by our state legislators mean nothing to the federal
government. What good are our state legislatures, constitutions, and
votes if they have no meaning or relevance to the federal government.
Why, then, do we even have them? In my humble opinion, these types of
actions are illegal, immoral, unconstitutional, and unconscionable. It
is proof that there is one law in the United States, and that is the
whims and desires of those in power. The people, the States, and the
United States Constitution are irrelevant. The 10th amendment no longer

True, this is a "drug" raid, and the votes have been about legalizing
marijuana for medical use, but when I took my civics classes in high
school and college, I was taught that the people ruled the country and
instructed their government what to do. It is painfully obvious that we
the people are now the servants of the government and not the other way

Well, what are we going to do about it?

God bless our Constitution and our Nation,

Dr. Richard E. Pearl, Sr.

Study Sees Addiction In Older Women (According To 'The Associated Press,'
A New 180-Page Report To Be Released Thursday By The National Center
On Addiction And Substance Abuse At Columbia University Says 11 Percent
Of Women Over 59 Abuse Or Are Addicted To Psychoactive Prescription Drugs
And About 7 Percent Abuse Or Are Addicted To Alcohol, But Less Than 1 Percent
Who Need Treatment Receive It)

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 02:21:02 -0400
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US: Wire: Study Sees Addiction In Older Women
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family
Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998
Source: Associated Press


WASHINGTON (AP) -- An alarming number of women over age 59 are addicted to
psychoactive prescription drugs and alcohol, and only a few physicians are
catching the early signs of abuse, according to a new study by Columbia

The 180-page report, being released Thursday by Columbia's National Center
on Addiction and Substance Abuse, said 11 percent of older women -- 2.8
million -- abuse or are addicted to psychoactive prescription drugs. About
1.8 million or 7 percent of older women abuse or are addicted to alcohol.

The two-year study also concluded that less than 1 percent of the women who
need treatment for alcohol abuse receive it.

``In good health, these women can work, be supportive parents and loving
grandparents and have two decades of independent living ahead of them,''
said Joseph A. Califano Jr., president of the Columbia substance abuse
center. ``Substance abuse and addiction steal millions of these years by
condemning thousands of these women to disability and premature death.''

As part of its study, the center reviewed prescriptions for psychoactive --
mood altering -- drugs given to 13,000 mature women over a six-month period.
The report concluded that half of the prescriptions for tranquilizers and
sleeping pills should not have been given or should have been given for
shorter periods of time. One in four women use at least one psychoactive
prescription drug, according to the study.

The report also pointed to doctors not recognizing symptoms of abuse among
their older female patients. Only one percent of primary care physicians
considered a substance abuse diagnosis when presented with common symptoms
of alcohol abuse. Instead, 80 percent diagnosed the symptoms as depression.

``What's inexcusable is that these tragedies are preventable,'' said Califano.

Former first lady Betty Ford joined Califano in calling the situation a
``hidden'' epidemic, with older women reluctant to come forward because of
society's stigmas, and family members denying the signs of abuse.

``It is swept under the rug of denial and desperation of families and
friends who can't accept the reality of a mother or aunt or sister who may
be abusing alcohol or addicted to it or who simply don't know what to do
about it,'' Mrs. Ford said.

The report suggested that physicians can spend as little as five minutes
counseling patients deemed at risk to help prevent the problem. It also
recommended increased training for physicians on how to recognize and
address substance abuse.

The study was based on an analysis of several national surveys, including
the Health and Retirement Study conducted by the Survey Research Center at
the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor and the National Household Survey on
Drug Abuse sponsored by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration in the Health and Human Services Department.

The physician survey was conducted independently by Louis Harris &
Associates. The telephone survey of 400 physicians had a margin of error of
plus or minus 3 to 5 percentage points.

New Revelations - The CIA And Drugs (ANTIFA, An Anti-Fascist Group,
Posts Two Documents, The First An Article From Robert Parry's Newsletter,
'The Consortium,' The Second Former DEA Agent Celerino Castillo's
April 1998 Testimony To The House Permanent Select Committee
On Intelligence)

Date: Mon, 15 Jun 1998 03:53:04 -0700
To: "Chuck's List" (cpconrad@twow.com)
From: "Charles P. Conrad" (cpconrad@twow.com)
Subject: [AFIB] New Revelations: The CIA & Drugs



News * Analysis * Research * Action


SPECIAL - June 3, 1998 - EDITION




The Truth is that police must "serve and protect;" Reality
is Black youth is shown no respect. The Truth is government
has a "war against drugs;" Reality is government is ruled by
thugs. -- KRS One, R.E.A.L.I.T.Y.




AFIB EDITOR'S NOTE: The texts below from Robert Parry's bi-
weekly newsletter "The Consortium," and former DEA agent
Celerino "Cele" Castillo's April 1998 testimony to the House
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, provide new
details of CIA and US government complicity with narco-
fascism during the 1980s. Faced by the growing power of
leftist insurgency in today's Colombia, the Clinton
administration is expanding military and logistical support
for that country's drug-tainted terror state. Often in
league with narco-capitalists and right-wing paramilitary
death squads, Colombia's military elite (and the Clinton
administration) are selling increased military "aid" as a
necessary component for expanding the so-called "war against
drugs." But as in Central America during the 1980s,
Washington is forging an unsavory alliance with brutal
killers and drug traffickers in an attempt to prop up a
corrupt authoritarian regime. Describing Washington's role
in Colombia, General Charles Wilhelm, the commander of US
military forces in Latin America told the New York Times:
"This is not a one-night stand. This is marriage for life."
Judging past Pentagon vows of fidelity to "democracy" this
is surely a marriage made in hell...


For Independent Journalism
Web: http://www.delve.com/consort.html
Tel: (703) 920-1580
E-mail: rparry@ix.netcom.com
- Volume 3, No. 11 (Issue 63) - June 1, 1998 -




By Robert Parry


New evidence, now in the public record, strongly suggests that
the Reagan administration's tolerance of drug trafficking by the
Nicaraguan contras and other clients in the 1980s was

With almost no notice in the national press, a 1982 letter
was introduced into the Congressional Record revealing how CIA
Director William J. Casey secretly engineered an exemption
sparing the CIA from a legal requirement to report on drug
smuggling by agency assets.

The exemption was granted by Attorney General William French
Smith on Feb. 11, 1982, only two months after President Reagan
authorized covert CIA support for the Nicaraguan contra army and
some eight months before the first known documentary evidence
revealing that the contras had started collaborating with drug

The exemption suggests that the CIA's tolerance of illicit
drug smuggling by its clients during the 1980s was official
policy anticipated from the outset, not just an unintended
consequence followed by an ad hoc cover-up.

Before the letter's release, the documentary evidence only
supported the allegation that Ronald Reagan's CIA concealed drug
trafficking by the contras and other intelligence assets in Latin
America. The CIA's inspector general Frederick P. Hitz confirmed
that long-held suspicion in an investigative report issued on
Jan. 29, 1998.


But the newly released letter, placed into the Congressional
Record by Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., on May 7, establishes
that Casey foresaw the legal dilemma which the CIA would
encounter should federal law require it to report on illicit
narcotics smuggling by its agents. The narcotics exemption is
especially noteworthy in contrast to the laundry list of crimes
which the CIA was required to disclose.

Under Justice Department regulations, "reportable offenses"
included assault, homicide, kidnapping, Neutrality Act
violations, communication of classified data, illegal
immigration, bribery, obstruction of justice, possession of
explosives, election contributions, possession of firearms,
illegal wiretapping, visa violations and perjury.

Yet, despite reporting requirements for many less serious
offenses, Casey fought a bureaucratic battle in early 1982 to
exempt the CIA from, as Smith wrote, "the need to add narcotics
violations to the list of reportable non-employee crimes."

In his letter, Smith noted that the law provides that "when
requested by the Attorney General, it shall be the duty of any
agency or instrumentality of the Federal Government to furnish
assistance to him for carrying out his functions under" the
Controlled Substances Act.

But Smith agreed that "in view of the fine cooperation the
Drug Enforcement Administration has received from CIA, no formal
requirement regarding the reporting of narcotics violations has
been included in these procedures." [At the time of Smith's
letter, Kenneth Starr was a counselor in the attorney general's
office, although it is not clear whether Starr had any input into
the exemption.]

On March 2, 1982, Casey thanked Smith for the exemption. "I
am pleased that these procedures, which I believe strike the
proper balance between enforcement of the law and protection of
intelligence sources and methods, will now be forwarded to other
agencies covered by them for signing by the heads of the
agencies," Casey wrote.

In the years that followed, "protection of intelligence
sources and methods" apparently became the catch-all excuse for
the CIA's tolerance of South American cocaine smugglers using the
contra war as cover. Though precise volume estimates are
impossible, the contra-connected drug pipeline clearly pumped
tons of cocaine into the United States during the early-to-mid


Some contra defenders have argued that the anti-Sandinista
armies in Honduras and Costa Rica were not the primary
beneficiaries of the narcotics smuggling, that most of the
profits probably went to drug lords with few political interests.
Still, over the past 15 years, substantial evidence has surfaced
revealing that many drug smugglers scurried under the contra
umbrella. They presumably understood that the Reagan
administration would be loath to expose its pet covert action to
negative publicity and possibly even to criminal prosecution.

According to the accumulated evidence, Bolivia's "cocaine
coup" government of 1980-82 was the first in line filling the
contra drug pipeline. But other contra-connected drug operations
soon followed, including the Medellin cartel, the Panamanian
government, the Honduran military and Miami-based anti-Castro
Cubans. The contra-connected cocaine also moved through
transshipment points in Costa Rica and El Salvador. [For details,
see Robert Parry's Lost History; Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale
Scott and Jonathan Marshall; or Gary Webb's forthcoming book,
Dark Alliance.]

Less clear is exactly what the U.S. government knew about
the contra-connected drug trafficking and when. Reagan authorized
CIA support for the contra army in mid-December 1981. But the
first publicly known case of contra cocaine shipments appeared in
government files in an Oct. 22, 1982, cable from the CIA's
Directorate of Operations.

The cable passed on word that U.S. law enforcement agencies
were aware of "links between (a U.S. religious organization) and
two Nicaraguan counter-revolutionary groups [which] involve an
exchange in (the United States) of narcotics for arms." The
material in parentheses was inserted by the CIA as part of its
declassification of the cable. The name of the religious group
remains secret.

Over the next several years, the CIA learned of other
suspected links between the contras and drug trafficking. In
1984, the CIA even intervened with the Justice Department to
block a criminal investigation into a suspected contra role in a
San Francisco-based drug ring, according to Hitz's report.

In December 1985, Brian Barger and I wrote the first news
article disclosing that virtually every Nicaraguan contra group
had links to drug trafficking. In that Associated Press dispatch,
we noted that the CIA knew of at least one case of cocaine
profits filtering into the contra war effort, but that DEA
officials in Washington claimed they had never been told of any
contra tie-in. The Casey exemption explains why that was

After the AP story ran, the Reagan administration attacked
it as unfounded and the article was largely ignored by the rest
of the Washington press corps. But it did help spark an
investigation by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass., who over the next two
years amassed substantial evidence of cocaine smuggling in and
around the contra war. Still, the Reagan and Bush administrations
continued to disparage Kerry's probe and its many witnesses.

Through the end of the decade, the mainstream Washington
media also denigrated the allegations. In April 1989, when Kerry
released a lengthy report detailing multiple examples of how the
contra war supplied cover for major drug trafficking operations,
the nation's most prestigious newspapers -- The New York Times,
The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times -- published only
brief, dismissive accounts.

With the end of the contra war in 1990, the controversy
faded further into the historical recesses. The Clinton
administration quietly rescinded Casey's narcotics exemption in


The contra-cocaine issue arose again in 1996 with an
investigative series by Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury-News.
Those stories traced how one of the contra drug conduits helped
fuel the crack epidemic in Los Angeles.

In response, the major newspapers again rallied to the CIA's
defense. They denounced the series as overblown, although finally
acknowledging that the allegations raised during the 1980s were
true. Webb's series also prompted a new investigation by the
CIA's inspector general.

In the first volume of his investigative report, Hitz
admitted the CIA knew early on about contra drug trafficking and
covered it up. The report's second volume reportedly puts the CIA
in even a worse light.

The CIA press office acknowledges that the second volume has
been completed, but adds that there is no timetable for releasing
a declassified version. "They'll only let it out if they're
pressured," commented one U.S. official.

But the CIA apparently is counting on continued disinterest
by the national press as a sign that there is no need to revisit
the issue. That assessment was bolstered on May 7 when Waters
introduced the Casey-Smith letters into the Congressional Record
and drew very little media interest in the damaging admissions.

For her part, Waters stated that the Casey-Smith arrangement
"allowed some of the biggest drug lords in the world to operate
without fear that the CIA would be required to report their
activities to the DEA and other law enforcement agencies. ...
These damning memorandums ... are further evidence of a shocking
official policy that allowed the drug cartels to operate through
the CIA-led contra covert operations in Central America."

Though Waters's comments focused on the contra war, Casey's
narcotics exemption could have had other CIA covert operations in
mind. In the early 1980s, the CIA-backed Afghan mujahedeen also
were implicated as major heroin traffickers in the Near East.

But whatever the genesis of the drug exemption, the
Casey-Smith exchange of letters stands as important historical
evidence bolstering the long-denied allegations of CIA complicity
in drug trafficking. Worse yet, the documents are evidence of

Copyright (c) 1998


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April 27, 1998


Source: http://www.copvcia.com/contra~1.htm

Celerino "Cele" Castillo III Author: "POWDERBURNS" Cocaine,
Contras & The Drug War; 2709 N. 28 1/2 St., McAllen, Texas
78501 Tele/Fax: 956-631-3818 Pager: 956-318-4913; E-Mail:


For several years, I fought in the trenches of the front
lines of Reagan's "Drug War", trying to stamp out what I
considered American's greatest foreign threat. But, when I was
posted, in Central and South America from 1984 through 1990, I
knew we were playing the "Drug War Follies." While our government
shouted "Just Say No !", entire Central and South American
nations fell into what are now known as, "Cocaine democracies."

While with the DEA, I was able to keep journals of my
assignments in Central and South America. These journals include
names, case file numbers and DEA NADDIS (DEA Master Computer)
information to back up my allegations. I have pictures and
original passports of the victims that were murdered by CIA
assets. These atrocities were done with the approval of the

We, ordinary Americans, cannot trust the C.I.A. Inspector
General to conduct a full investigation into the CIA or the DEA.
Let me tell you why. When President Clinton (June, 1996) ordered
The Intelligence Oversight Board to conduct an investigation into
allegations that US Agents were involved in atrocities in
Guatemala, it failed to investigate several DEA and CIA
operations in which U.S. agents knew before hand that individuals
(some Americans) were going to be murdered.

I became so frustrated that I forced myself to respond to
the I.O.B report citing case file numbers, dates, and names of
people who were murdered. In one case (DEA file # TG-86-0005)
several Colombians and Mexicans were raped, tortured and murdered
by CIA and DEA assets, with the approval of the CIA. Among those
victims identified was Jose Ramon Parra-Iniguez, Mexican passport
A-GUC-043 and his two daughters Maria Leticia Olivier-Dominguez,
Mexican passport A-GM-8381. Also included among the dead were
several Colombian nationals: Adolfo Leon Morales-Arcilia "a.k.a."
Adolfo Morales-Orestes, Carlos Alberto Ramirez, and Jiro
Gilardo-Ocampo. Both a DEA and a CIA agent were present, when
these individuals were being interrogated (tortured).

The main target of that case was a Guatemalan Congressman,
(Carlos Ramiro Garcia de Paz) who took delivery of 2,404 kilos of
cocaine in Guatemala just before the interrogation. This case
directly implicated the Guatemalan Government in drug trafficking
(The Guatemalan Congressman still has his US visa and continues
to travel at his pleasure into the US). To add salt to the wound,
in 1989 these murders were investigated by the U.S Department of
Justice, Office of Professional Responsibility. DEA S/I Tony
Recevuto determined that the Guatemalan Military Intelligence,
G-2 (the worst human rights violators in the Western Hemisphere)
was responsible for these murders. Yet, the U.S. government
continued to order U.S. agents to work hand-in-hand with the
Guatemalan Military. This information was never turned over to
the I.O.B. investigation. (See attached response)

I have obtained a letter, dated May 28, 1996, from the DEA
administrator, to U.S. Congressman Lloyd Doggett (D), Texas. In
this letter, the administrator flatly lies, stating that DEA
agents "have never engaged in any joint narcotics programs with
the Guatemalan Military".

I was there. I was the leading Agent in Guatemala. 99.9% of
DEA operations were conducted with the Guatemalan military. In
1990, the DEA invited a Guatemalan military G-2 officer, Cpt.
Fuentez, to attend a DEA narcotic school, which is against DEA
policy. I know this for a fact because I worked with this officer
for several years and was in Guatemala when he was getting ready
to travel to the States.

Facts of my investigation on CIA-Contras drug trafficking in
El Salvador:

The key to understanding the "crack cocaine" epidemic, which
exploded on our streets in 1984, lies in understanding the effect
of congressional oversight on covert operations. In this case the
Boland amendment(s) of the era, while intending to restrict
covert operations as intended by the will of the People, only
served to encourage C.I.A., the military and elements of the
national intelligence community to completely bypass the Congress
and the Constitution in an eager and often used covert policy of
funding prohibited operations with drug money.

As my friend and colleague Michael Ruppert has pointed out
through his own experience in the 1970s, CIA has often bypassed
congressional intent by resorting to the drug trade (Vietnam,
Laos, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, etc).

When the Boland Amendment(s) cut the Contras off from a
continued U.S. government subsidy, George Bush, his national
security adviser Don Gregg, and Ollie North, turned to certain
foreign governments, and to private contributions, to replace
government dollars. Criminal sources of contributions were not
excluded. By the end of 1981, through a series of Executive
Orders and National Security Decision Directives, many of which
have been declassified, Vice President Bush was placed in charge
of all Reagan administration intelligence operations. All of the
covert operations carried out by officers of the CIA, the
Pentagon, and every other federal agency, along with a rogue army
of former intelligence operatives and foreign agents, were
commanded by George Bush. Gary Webb (San Jose Mercury News)
acknowledged, that he simply had not traced the command structure
over the Contras up into the White House, although he had gotten
some indications that the operation was not just CIA.

On Dec. 01, 1981, President Ronald Reagan signed a secret
order authorizing the CIA to spend $19.9 million for covert
military aid to the recently formed Contras -- hardly enough
money to launch a serious military operation against the Cuban
and Soviet-backed Sandinista regime.

In August 1982, George Bush hired Donald P. Gregg as his
principal adviser for national security affairs. In late 1984,
Gregg introduced Oliver North to Felix Rodriguez, (a retired CIA
agent) who had already been working in Central America for over a
year under Bush's direction. Gregg personally introduced
Rodriguez to Bush on Jan. 22, 1985. Two days after his January
1985 meeting, Rodriguez went to El Salvador and made arrangements
to set up his base of operations at Ilopango air base. On Nov.
01, 1984, the FBI arrested Rodriguez's partner, Gerard Latchinian
and convicted him of smuggling $10.3 million in cocaine into the

On Jan. 18, 1985, Rodriguez allegedly met with money-
launderer Ramon Milan-Rodriguez, who had moved $1.5 billion for
the Medellin cartel. Milan testified before a Senate
Investigation on the Contras' drug smuggling, that before this
1985 meeting, he had granted Felix Rodriguez's request and given
$10 million from the cocaine for the Contras.

On September 10, 1985, North wrote in his Notebook:

Introduced by Wally Grasheim/Litton, Calero/Bermudez visit
to Ilopango to estab. log support./maint. (...)

In October of 1985, Upon my arrival in Guatemala, I was
forewarned by Guatemala DEA, County Attache, Robert J. Stia, that
the DEA had received intelligence that the Contras out of
Salvador, were involved in drug trafficking. For the first time,
I had come face to face with the contradictions of my assignment.
The reason that I had been forewarned was because I would be the
Lead Agent in El Salvador.

DEA Guatemalan informant, Ramiro Guerra (STG-81-0013) was in
place in Guatemala and El Salvador on "Contra" intelligence. At
the time (early 80's), he was a DEA fugitive on "Rico"
(Racketeering Influence and Corrupt Organizations) and "CCE"
(Continuing Criminal Enterprise) charges out of San Francisco. In
1986, he became an official advisor for the DEA trained El
Salvador Narcotics Task Force. In 1989, all federal charges were
dropped because of his cooperation with the DEA in Central
America. Guerra is still a DEA informant in Guatemala.

December 1985, CNN reporter Brian Barger broke the story of
the Contra's involved in drug trafficking.


January 13, 1986, I wrote a report on El Salvador under DEA
file (GFTG-86-9145).

January 16, 1986---HK-1217W--Carlos Siva and Tulio Pedras
Contra pilots.

January 23, 1986, GFTG-86-9999, Air

Intelligence in "El Salvador" TG-86-0003, Samana and Raul.

In 1986, I placed an informant (Mario Murga) at the Ilopango
airport in El Salvador. He was initiated and wrote the flight
plans for most Contra pilots. After their names were submitted
into NADDIS, it was revealed that most pilots had already been
document in DEA files as traffickers. (See DEA memo by me date

Feb. 05, 1986, I had seized $800,000.00 in cash, 35 kilos of
cocaine, and an airplane at Ilopango. DEA # TG-86-0001;
Gaitan-Gaitan, Leonel

March 24, 1986, I wrote a DEA report on the Contra
operation. (GFTG-86-4003, Frigorificos de Puntarenas, S.A), US
registration aircraft N-68435 (Cessna 402).

April 17, 86, I wrote a Contra report on Arturo Renick;
Johnny Ramirez (Costa Rica). Air craft TI-AQU & BE-60..
GFTG-86-9999; Air Intelligence.

April 25,26 1986--I met with CIA Felix Vargas in El Salvador

April of 1986, The Consul General of the U.S Embassy in El
Salvador (Robert J. Chavez), warned me that CIA agent George
Witters was requesting a U.S visa for a Nicaraguan drug
trafficker and Contra pilot by the name of Carlos Alberto Amador.
(mentioned in 6 DEA files)

May 14, 1986, I spoke to Jack O'Conner DEA HQS Re: Matta-
Ballesteros. (NOTE: Juan Ramon Matta-Ballesteros was perhaps the
single largest drug trafficker in the region. Operating from
Honduras he owned several companies which were openly sponsored
and subsidized by C.I.A.)

May 26, 1986, Mario Rodolfo Martinez-Murga became an
official DEA informant (STG-86-0006). Before that, he had been a
sub-source for Ramiro Guerra and Robert Chavez. Under Chavez,
Murga's intelligence resulted in the seizure of several hundred
kilos of cocaine, (from Ilopango to Florida) making Murga a
reliable source of information.

May 27, 1986, I Met U.S. Army Lt. Col. Alberto Adame in El
Salvador. Has knowledge of the Contra Operation at Ilopango. He
was in El Salvador from 1984 thru 1987.

On June 06, 1986, I send a DEA report/telex cable to
Washington DEA in regards to Contra pilots, Carlos Amador and
Carlos Armando Llamos (Honorary Ambassador from El Salvador to
Panama) (N-308P). Llamos had delivered 4 1/2 million dollars to
Panama from Ilopango for the Contras. Information was gathered by
informant Mario Murga. Leon Portilla-TIANO = Navojo 31 &
YS-265-American Pilot: Francisco Viaud. Roberto Gutierrez
(N-82161) Mexican (X-AB)

June 10, 1998, I spoke to CIA agent Manny Brand Re: Sofi
Amoury (Cuban Contra operator and Guatemalan Galvis-Pena in

June 16, 1986-GFTG-86-9999, Air Intel (DEA-6) El Salvador

Early part of 1986, I received a telex/cable from DEA Costa
Rica. SA Sandy Gonzales requested for me to investigate hangers 4
and 5 at Ilopango. DEA Costa Rica had received reliable
intelligence that the Contras were flying cocaine into the
hangars. Both hangers were owned and operated by the CIA and the
National Security Agency. Operators of those two hangars were,
Lt. Col. Oliver North and CIA contract agent, Felix Rodriguez,
"a.k.a." Max Gomez. (See attached letter by Bryan Blaney
(O.I.C.), dated March 28, 1991).

June 18, 1986, Salvadoran Contra pilot, Francisco "Chico"
Guirrola-Beeche (DEA NADDIS # 1585334 and 1744448) had been
documented as a drug trafficker. On this date, at 7:30a.m, he
departed Ilopango to the Bahamas to air drop monies. On his
return trip (June 21) Guirrola arrived with his passengers
Alejandro Urbizu & Patricia Bernal. In 1988 Urbizu was arrested
in the US in a Cocaine conspiracy case. In 1985 Guirrola was
arrested in South Texas (Kleberg County) with 5 and 1/2 million
dollars cash, which he had picked up in Los Angeles, California.
(U.S. Customs in Dallas/Ft. Worth had case on him.)

June 18, 1986, DEA 6 on Air Intelligence, GFTG- 86-9999; El

June 27 & 28, 1986, US Lt. Col. Albert Adame spoke with US
Ambassador Edwin Corr re: Narcotics.

In a July 26, 1986 report to the Congress, on contra-related
narcotics allegation, The State Department described the Frogman
CASE as follows, "This case gets it's nickname from swimmers who
brought cocaine ashore in San Francisco on a Colombian vessel."
It focused on a major Colombian cocaine smuggler, ALVARO
CARVAJAL-MINOTA, who supplied a number of west coast smugglers.
It was further alleged that Nicaraguan Contra, Horacio Pererita,
was subsequently convicted on drug charges in Costa Rica and
sentenced to 12 years imprisonment. Two other members of the
organization were identified as Nicaraguans Carlos Cabezas &
Julio Zavala. They were among the jailed West Coast traffickers
and convicted of receiving drugs from Carvajal. They claimed long
after their convictions, that they had delivered sums of monies
to Contra resistance groups in Costa Rica.

July 28, 1986, I Met with CIA agents Don Richardson, Janice
Elmore and Lt. Col. Adame in El Salvador.

July 29, 1986, I Met with Don Richardson and Robert Chavez
at the US Embassy in El Salvador.

August 03, 1986, Ramiro Guerra, Lt. Col. A. Adame, Dr.
Hector Regalado (Dr. Death, who claimed to have shot Archbishop
Romero) and myself went out on patrol in El Salvador.

In Aug. 1986, The Kerry Committee requested information on
the Contra pilots from the DEA. The Department Of Justice flatly
refused to give up any information.

Aug. 15, 1986, I spoke to CIA (Chief of Station) Jack
McCavett and Don Richardson; El Salvador; Re: Fernando Canelas
Sanez from Florida.

Aug. 18, 1986, I received $45,000.00 in cash from CIA Chief
of Station (CIA), Jack McKavett for the purchase of vehicles for
the DEA El Salvador Narcotic Task Force.

Aug. 28, 1986, I had a meeting with El Salvador US
Ambassador, Edwin Corr, in regards to Wally Grasheim, Pete's
Place and Carlos Amador (3:00 p.m.)

Oscar Alvarado-Lara "a.k.a." El Negro Alvarado (CIA asset
and Contra pilot) was mentioned in 3 DEA files. On June 11, 1986,
Alvarado transported 27 illegal Cubans to El Salvador Ilopango,
where they were then smuggled into Guatemala. On Sept. 28, 1987,
Alvarado picked up CIA officer Randy Capister in Puerto Barrios
Guatemala after a joint DEA, CIA and Guatemala Military (G-2)
operation. Several Mexicans and Colombians were murdered and
raped. This was supported by the CIA. DEA File TG-86-0005.

1986, DEA El Salvador, initiated a file on Walter L.
Grasheim (TG-87-0003). He is mentioned in several DEA, FBI and
U.S Customs files. This DEA file is at The National Archives in
The Iran-Contra file in Washington D.C (bulky # 2316). Also see
attached Top Secret/Declassified Record of Interview on Mr.
Grasheim, by the Office of Independent Counsel, dated Jan. 03,

Sept. 01, 1986, at approximately 5:00pm, I received a phone
call in Guatemala from (C.I) Ramiro Guerra, Re: Raid at Wally's
house in El Salvador Wally's plane (N-246-J).

On September 01, 1986, Walter Grasheim (a civilian)
residence in El Salvador was searched by the DEA Task Force.
Found at the residence was an arsenal of US military munitions,
(allegedly for a Contra military shipment). Found were cases of
C-4 explosives, grenades, ammunition, sniper rifles, M-16's,
helicopter helmets and knives. Also found were files of payment
to Salvadoran Military Officials (trips to New York City). Found
at his residence were radios and license plates belonging to the
US Embassy. We also found an M16 weapon belonging to the US
Mil-Group Commander, Col. Steel. Prior to the search, I went to
every department of the U.S. Embassy and asked if this individual
worked in any way shape or form with the embassy. Every head of
the departments denied that he worked for them. A pound of
marijuana and marijuana plants growing in the back yard, were
also found.

Sept. 02, 1986, I departed Guatemala on Taca Airlines @
7:30a.m to El Salvador.

Sept. 26, 1986, Meeting with Col. Steel Re: Mr. Grasheim
(Col. Steel admitted that he had given an M-16 to Grasheim) and
CIA George W. Also talked to Don Richardson (CIA) re: Ramiro
Guerra. Talked to Col. Adame Re: CIA George.

October 03, 1986, Spoke to DEA Panama re: Mr. Grasheim. Was
advised to be careful.

October 15, 1986, Asst. Atty. Gen. Mark Richard testified
before the Kerry Committee, that he had attended a meeting with
20 to 25 officials and that the DEA did not want to provide any
of the information the committee had requested on the Contra
involvement in drug trafficking.

October 21, 1986, I send a Telex/cable to Washington D.C on
the Contras.

October 22, 1986 talked to El Salvador Re: Grasheim.

October 23, 1986, HK-1960P Honduras. 1,000 kilos of cocaine.
DEA- 6 was written on this case.

October 29, 1986 Talked to DEA HQS (John Martch) re Contras
& Grasheim.

October 30, 1986, Talked to Salvadoran Gen. Blandon re: to
Mr. Grasheim.

Nov. 07, 1986, Talked to John Martch 202-786-4356 and
Azzam-633-1049; Home: 301-262-1007. (Contras).

Nov. 13, 1986, I Met with Ambassador Corr @2:00pm re: Mr.
Grasheim. (He stated, "let the chips fall where they may." Met w/
Lt. Col. Adame.

November 14, 1986, Met with Salvadoran Col. Villa Marona re:
Mr. Grasheim. He advised that the U.S Embassy had approved for
Grasheim to work at Ilopango.

On January 20, 1987, Joel Brinkley (special to the New York
Times) reported. "Contra Arms Crew said To Smuggle Drugs" The 3rd
secret had surfaced. Brinkley wrote: "Fed. Drug investigators
uncovered evidence last fall that the American flight crews which
covertly carried arms to the Nicaraguan rebels were smuggling
cocaine and other drugs on their return trips back to the US.
Administration Officials said today that when the crew members,
based in El Salvador, learned that DEA agents were investigating
their activities, one of them warned that they had White House
protection. The Times then quoted an anonymous US official who
said the crew member's warnings which came after DEA searched his
San Salvador house for drugs, caused 'quite a stir' at Ilopango."

Feb. 09, 1987, I had meeting with Lt. Col. Adame and Elmore
re: major argument with DEA HQS I.A. Lourdez Border. They had
just arrived in Guatemala for a two-day fact finding tour of El

Feb. 10, 1987, I met with U.S. Ambassador Corr (Salvador) re
DEA HQS Intel. Analyst Lourdez Border and Doug (last name
unknown) - both were rookies. In two days in El Salvador, they
determined that there was no contra involvement in drug

February 27. 1987, I spoke to Mike Alston, DEA Miami, RE:
Contra pilots John Hall; Bruce Jones' airstrip in Costa Rica,
Colombian Luis Rodriguez; Mr. Shrimp-Ocean Hunter Costa Rica to
Miami. Contra Operation from Central American to U.S.

March 03, 1987, met with Janis Elmore (CIA) from 9:00pm till

March 30, 1987, I invited U.S. Customs Agent Richard Rivera
to El Salvador in an attempt to trace ammunitions and weapons
found in Mr. Grasheim's residence. It's alleged that The Pentagon
put a stop on his trace. (They were never able to trace the

April 01, 1987, Bob Stia, Walter (pilot) Morales and myself
flew to El Salvador. Met with two CIA agents who advised us that
we could no longer utilize Murga because he was now working with

April 07,08,09, 1987, I met with John Martch in Guatemala
Re: Contras and OPR.

Sept. 27, 1987, Central American CIA agent, Randy Capister,
the Guatemala military (G-2) and myself, seized over 2,404 kilos
of cocaine from a Guatemalan Congressman, Carlos Ramiro Garcia de
Paz and the Medellin cartel (biggest cocaine seizure in Central
America and top five ever). However, several individuals were
murdered and raped on said operation. CIA agent and myself saw
the individuals being interrogated. The Congressman was never
arrested or charged.

October 22, 1987, I received a call from DEA HQS Everett
Johnson, not to close Contra files because some committee was
requesting file. If you have an open file, you do not have access
to the files under Freedom of Information Act.

Aug. 30, 1988, Received intelligence from (Guido Del Prado)
at the U.S. Embassy, El Salvador re: Carlos Armando Llemus-
Herrera (Contra pilot).

Oct. 27, 1988, Received letter from "Bill," Regional
Security Officer at the Embassy in El Salvador re: Corruption on
US ambassador Corr and del Prado.

Dec. 03, 1988, DEA seized 356 kilos of cocaine in Tiquisate,
Guatemala (DEA # TG-89-0002; Hector Sanchez). Several Colombians
were murdered on said operation and condoned by the DEA and CIA.
I have pictures of individuals that were murdered in said case.
The target was on Gregorio Valdez (CIA asset) of The Guatemala
Piper Co. At that time, all air operations for the CIA and DEA
flew out of Piper.

Aug. 24, 1989, Because of my information, the U.S. Embassy
canceled Guatemalan Military, Lt. Col. Hugo Francisco
Moran-Carranza, (Head of Interpol and Corruption) U.S. visa. He
was documented as a drug trafficker and as a corrupt Guatemalan
Official. He was on his way to a U.S. War College for one year,
invited by the CIA.

Feb. 21, 1990, I send a telex-cable to DEA HQS Re: Moran's
plan to assassinate me.

Between Aug. 1989 and March 06, 1990, Col. Moran had
initiated the plan to assassinate me in El Salvador and blame it
on the guerrillas. On March 06, 1990, I traveled to Houston to
deliver an undercover audio tape on my assassination. The Houston
DEA S.A Mark Murtha (DEA File M3-90-0053) had an informant into
Lt. Col. Moran.

Feb. 24, 1990, I moved my family back home because DEA could
not make a decision.

March 15, 1990, After 6 months knowing about the
assassination plan, DEA transferred me out to San Diego,
California for 6 months.

April 05, 1990, an illegal search was conducted at my
residence in Guatemala by Guatemala DEA agents Tuffy Von
Briensen, Larry Hollifield and Guatemalan Foreign Service
National, Marco Gonzales in Guatemala (No search warrant). DEA
HQS agreed that it had been an illegal search requested by OPR
S/I Tony Recevuto. (OPR file PR-TG-90-0068) On Sept. 16, 1991, a
questionnaire was faxed to me in regards to the illegal search.
(see attached)

April 11, 1991, in an undercover capacity, Carlos Cabezas's
wife sold me 5 kilos of cocaine in San Francisco. (DEA #
R3-91-0036; Milagro Rodriguez)

On April 16, 1991, I met with Carlos Cabezas at the DEA
Office in San Francisco. He stated to me that Zavala and himself
were informants for the FBI in San Francisco at the time his wife
delivered the cocaine. Alvaro Carbajal had supplied the 5 kilos
of cocaine. (There is an undercover audio tape available as
evidence) Mr. Cabezas gave me his undercover business card. It
was identified as "The California Company" at 3519-Mission St.,
San Francisco, CA 94110 REAL ESTATE & INVESTMENTS Carlos A.
Cabezas, Sales Associate Pager: 371-7108 Fax: (415) 647-0918;
Res: (415 991-3104; Bus: (415) 647-8014.

May 10, 1990, DEA HQS OPR S/I Tony Recevuto returned to
Guatemala and requested the U.S. Ambassador, to please grant Lt.
Col. Hugo Moran-Carranza a US Visa, so that he could testify
before the BCCI investigation in Miami. The ambassador could not
understand why anyone, for any reason would request a US Visa for
an individual who had planned the assassination of a US drug

May 27, 1990, I was ordered to return back to Guatemala to
pack my household goods. The threat was still very real for me.
On June 01, 1990, I departed Guatemala for the last time. On June
05, 1990, another American was killed by the Guatemalan Military.


The CIA acknowledged drugs in a statement by Central
American Task Force Chief Alan Fiers who testified: "with respect
to (drug trafficking) by the Resistance Forces...It is not a
couple of people. It is a lot of people."

The DEA has always stated that my reports were unfounded,
but they later recanted. DEA Assistant Administrator, David
Westrate stated of the Nicaraguan War: "It is true that people on
both sides of the equation (in the Nicaraguan War) were drug
traffickers, and a couple of them were pretty significant."

In a Sept. 20-26, 1989, series of debriefings and in
subsequent debriefing on Feb. 13, 1990, by DEA agents in Los
Angeles, Lawrence Victor Harrison, an American-born electronics
specialist who had worked in Mexico and had been involved with
the leading figures in the Mexican drug cartel, was interviewed.
He testified that he had been present when two of the partners of
Matta-Ballesteros and Rafael Caro-Quintero, met with American
pilots working out of Ilopango air base in El Salvador, providing
arms to the Contras. The purpose of the meeting was to work out
drug deals.

Several days earlier, on Feb. 09, 1990, Harrison had told
DEA interrogators that Nicaraguan Contras were being trained at a
ranch in Vera Cruz, owned by Rafael Caro Quintero. It was at
Quintero's Guadalajara ranch that DEA Agent Kiki Camarena, and
his pilot were interrogated, tortured and buried alive.

January 23, 1991, letter to Mr. William M. Baker, Asst.
Director of Criminal Investigative Division, FBI; from Lawrence
E. Walsh and Mike Foster, requesting several FBI files on Walter
L. Grasheim. (see attached)

January 30, 1991, letter to DEA Ronald Caffrey, Deputy Asst.
Administrator for Operations at DEA from Craig A. Guillen,
Associate Counsel of the Office of Independent Counsel;
requesting Walter L. Grasheim reports. (see attached)

In 1991, a DEA General File was opened on an Oliver North in
Washington D.C. (GFGD-91-9139) "smuggling weapons into the
Philippines with known drug traffickers."

In 1991, before I departed the DEA, I met with FBI agent
Mike Foster, investigator for The Office of Independent Counsel
on Iran-Contra, where I gave him detailed information of the
Contras' involvement in drugs.

October, 1994, The Washington Post reported that former
Government Officials, including the DEA, CIA, State Department,
US Customs and White House officials were quoted as saying that
Lt. Col. Oliver North did not advise them of his knowledge that
the Contras were involved in drug trafficking.

In 1997, I joined DEA SA Richard Horn in a federal class
action suit against the CIA. The suit is against the CIA and
other federal agencies for spying on several DEA agents and other
unnamed DEA employees and their families. United States District
Court for The District of Columbia; Richard Horn vs. Warren
Christopher, Civil Action No. 1:96CV02120 (HHG) January 30, 1994.


This is a list of DEA case file and names of individuals
that may help support my allegations.

GFTG-86-9145, GFTG-87-9145 El Salvador

GFTG-86-9999, GFTG-87-9999, Air Intelligence

TG-87-0003, Walter L. Grasheim (Salvador case)

TG-86-0001, Leonel Guitan-Guitan

DEA Informants STG-86-0006 and STG-81-0013

US Ambassador Edwin Corr

Janis Elmore (CIA 1986 through 1989). I reported to her when
in El Salvador.

Don Richardson (CIA & Political Officer in El Salvador 1986,
87). I reported to him in El Salvador.

Felix Vargas (CIA El Salvador 1986, 87)

Col. James Steel (Mil-Group Commander El Salvador).

U.S. Lt. Col. Alberto Adame (Under Steel)

Lupita Vega (the only Salvadoran which was cleared for "Top
Secret") worked in the Milgroup in El Salvador.

Felix Rodriguez (CIA at Ilopango hanger 4 & 5)

Jack McCavett (CIA Chief of Station in El Salvador).

CIA George Witter in El Salvador. He asked for US visa on
drug trafficker Carlos Alberto Amador.

CIA Randy Capister (covert operation in Central America 1985
t090). Involved in several atrocities.

CIA Manuel Brand (retired Cuban-American) Guatemala

State Department (De Luoie) El Salvador.

State Department RSO Bill Rouche El Salvador

State Dept. Official Del Prado (El Salvador)

DEA John Martsh (DEA HQS)

DEA Jack O'Conner (DEA HQS)

DEA HQS Agents AZZAM & Frank Torello (retired) involved in
Contra ops in Europe.

Salvadoran General Bustillo (retired in Florida)

US Custom Richard Rivera and Philip Newton

DEA Sandy Gonzales (Costa Rica)

Lincoln Benedicto-Honduras US Embassy-Consul General April
30, 1986. Re: Matta-Ballesteros


Some people have asked, "Why I am doing this? I reply, "That
a long time ago I took an oath to protect The Constitution of the
United States and its citizens". In reality, it has cost me so
much to become a complete human being, that I've lost my family.
In 1995, I made a pilgrimage to the Vietnam Wall, where I
renounced my Bronze Star in protest of the atrocities my
government had committed in Central America. I have now become a
veteran of my third, and perhaps most dangerous war -- a war
against the criminals within my own Government. Heads have to
roll for those who are responsible and still employed by the
government. They will be the first targets in an effective drug
strategy. If not, we will continue to have groups of individuals
who will be beyond any investigation, who will manipulate the
press, judges and members of our Congress, and still be known in
our government as those who are above the law.


750 La Playa # 730
San Francisco, California 94121
E-Mail: tburghardt@igc.org


On PeaceNet visit ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN on pol.right.antifa
or by gopher - gopher://gopher.igc.apc.org:7021/11/europe
Via the Web - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff/afib.html


Antifa Info-Bulletin is a member of the Anti-Fascist Forum
network. AFF is an info-group which collects and
disseminates information, research and analysis on fascist
activity and anti-fascist resistance. More info:
E-mail: aff@burn.ucsd.edu
Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff




UN To Seek Support For Anti-Drug Effort ('The Washington Post'
Says The United Nations Plans To Seek New International Backing
During A Special Meeting At UN Headquarters June 8-10 In New York
For The Most Ambitious Counternarcotics Effort In Its History,
But The United States And Other Industrialized Nations Are Resisting Pleas
To Fund The Program, Partly Because It Would Spend Billions Of Dollars
In Some Of The World's Most Corrupt Or Repressive Nations - However,
President Clinton And More than 30 Heads Of State And The Representatives
Of 130 Other Nations Are Expected To Endorse The Overall Objective
Of The Plan, To Eradicate The World's Entire Production Of Heroin,
Cocaine And Marijuana Within 10 Years)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 21:34:28 -0400
To: rlake@mapinc.org, DPFT-L@TAMU.EDU
From: Richard Lake 
Subject: UN GE: U.N. to Seek Support for Anti-Drug Effort
Newshawk: Richard Lake http://www.drugsense.org/
Source: Washington Post
Authors: R. Jeffrey Smith and Douglas Farah
Washington Post Staff Writers
Contact: http://washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/edit/letters/letterform.htm
Website: http://www.washingtonpost.com/
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998

Note: This is our first good target for LTE writers! Note the GE: in the
subject line above, which allows items sent to editor@mapinc.org to be
identified as being related to the Global Days or the UNGASS. The DrugSense
page, with a button which leads to these special items, is now up at:


U.S., Other Nations Balk Over Plan to Give Aid to Afghanistan, Burma, Colombia

The United Nations plans to seek new international backing next week for
the most ambitious counternarcotics effort in its history, but the United
States and other wealthy nations are resisting pleas to fund the program
partly because it would spend billions of dollars in some of the world's
most corrupt or repressive nations, such as Afghanistan, Burma and
Colombia, according to U.S. and U.N. officials.

The overall objective of the plan -- to eradicate the world's entire
production of heroin, cocaine and marijuana over 10 years -- is likely to
win the endorsement of more than 30 heads of state and the representatives
of 130 other nations, including President Clinton, now slated to attend a
special June 8-10 meeting at U.N. headquarters in New York, the officials

The cost of the U.N. counterdrug plan has been estimated at roughly $3
billion to $4 billion over the next ten years, a roughly fourfold increase
from what all governments combined would spend over the next decade at
present levels to promote the substitution of legal crops for illegal ones
in key producing nations, the officials said.

But Clinton's top counterdrug aides have advised U.N. officials that
Washington is unwilling to commit substantial new U.S. funds to the effort
on grounds that the program remains unformed, has yet to attract support
from key European and Middle Eastern donors, and would probably provoke
political opposition at home from human rights activists and critics of the
United Nations.

"We are very supportive of the concept, but the hesitancy, the skepticism
comes from the feeling that you just can't do it, that it is very
unrealistic," said a White House official involved in planning for the U.N.

"You have governments that are difficult to deal with and [a] lack of
governments in other countries. It is a challenge, to say the least," he said.

Pino Arlacchi, a former Italian lawmaker who was appointed in September as
the United Nations' chief counternarcotics official, nonetheless vows to
pursue the plan. He told associates that the U.N. meeting should be "a
turning point for the world to go forward with renewed energy on drug
control," by embracing not only a vigorous new crop substitution effort but
also a new series of related law enforcement and countertrafficking

Arlacchi's plan, which has been sketched out in a 170-page report entitled
"Strategy for Coca and Opium Poppy Elimination," calls for promoting rural
development and crop substitution to create legitimate employment
alternatives to drug production in the nine principal growing nations for
those two drugs: Afghanistan, Burma, Laos, Colombia, India, Mexico,
Pakistan and Vietnam.

According to U.N. estimates, the amount of land devoted to growing coca
leaf or opium poppy in all these countries is just 4,500 square kilometers,
or half the area of Puerto Rico. That gives supporters of the program hope
that concentrated social development efforts can overcome the low success
rate of traditional crop substitution efforts, which many experts say have
failed due to the lack of infrastructure, such as roads and facilities for
handling legal crops.

Under the U.N. plan, progress in crop substitution would be monitored by
reconnaissance satellites and through periodic inspections on the ground.

In a telephone interview after his arrival in New York yesterday, Arlacchi
said details of the plan can be fleshed out in the next year in conjunction
with new appeals for funds.

"The main difficulty [to overcome] . . . is a decade of pessimism,
skepticism about the sheer possibility to be successful in the field of
drugs," Arlacchi said. "Particularly in Western Europe [there is a
widespread view] . . . that everything that is being done is wrong or

Arlacchi, who was appointed to his job after leading his government's
successful effort to curb the influence of the Mafia, compared the remarks
he hears now to claims at the beginning of the 1980s that "we were starting
an impossible mission" in the fight against organized crime because victory
would mean altering longstanding culture.

He said that, already, a modest investment in the social and economic
development of drug-growing regions in Pakistan has cut opium production
from 800 to 20 tons a year.

The key, he said, was the introduction of a crop of off-season onions that
could be marketed throughout the year. Similar programs have achieved
modest successes in Peru and Thailand.

Arlacchi's tenure at the United Nations has been distinguished in part by
his desire to try to work out new counterdrug arrangements with the
political rulers of Afghanistan and Burma, the two countries that together
cultivate 80 percent of the world's illicit opium poppies but remain in
virtual diplomatic isolation.

He has struck a deal with the leaders of the Taliban, the Islamic extremist
party that now controls more than two-thirds of Afghanistan, to fund a
series of small-scale development projects, such as the reconstruction of a
factory in the province of Kandahar that will provide work for thousands of
impoverished local citizens. The estimated $7 million cost of the project
is to be drawn in part from past contributions by the United States, U.N.
officials said.

Last month, Arlacchi organized a similar pilot project in Burma, a country
that the ruling military junta renamed Myanmar after it seized control from
an elected political party in 1989. Washington has pledged $5 million
toward the $15 million cost of the project, which is meant to promote rural
development in that country's Shan state.

In both nations, Arlacchi's idea is to create employment alternatives to
drug-related work; and if the initial efforts are successful, he wants to
spend an estimated $500 million there over the next decade. That would
amount to a major new burst of foreign aid for both nations.

But Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and other top U.S. officials
have said that Washington generally opposes substantial new aid to
Afghanistan so long as Taliban ideologues block women from access to
education, jobs and health care. An influential Republican staff aide on
Capitol Hill has also vowed to block funding for the Burma project.

"The answer will be unequivocally no," said the staff member, who asked not
to be named. "This is a country with a 400,000-man army and no external
threat. It has no function but to continue to repress its own people. They
have the capacity to carry out counterdrug campaigns if they want to."

Moreover, the source said, "big, sweeping public relations stunts are not
the way to go" in dealing with the global drug issue.

Maureen Aung-Thwin, who directs the Soros Foundation's Open Society
Institute Burma Project, said she, too, is skeptical that much progress can
be made in Burma under the military government and worried that it would
try to divert the aid toward military purchases.

Arlacchi said he was aware of the criticism, but that he remains optimistic
that Washington will eventually provide additional funds.

"It is not by chance that drugs are produced in very remote and difficult
countries," he said. "[But] what is the alternative? To do nothing and just
blame these countries?"

(c) Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company

US Said Balking At Funding For UN Anti-Drug Effort ('Reuters' Version)

To: ntlist@Fornits.com
From: Scott Dykstra (rumba2@earthlink.net)
by way of Ginger Warbis (WebMistress@Fornits.com)
From: ntlist
Subject: [ntlist] US Balking?

12:42 AM ET 06/03/98

U.S. said balking at funding for UN anti-drug effort

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. officials are unwilling to
commit new funds to an ambitious U.N. anti-drug effort, citing
concerns about lack of support from key European and Middle
Eastern donors, the Washington Post reported Wednesday.

The newspaper said Washington told U.N. officials that the
program, to be launched next week, remained unformed and would
probably provoke political opposition at home from human rights
activists and critics of the United Nations.

``We are very supportive of the concept, but the hesitancy,
the skepticism comes from the feeling that you just can't do it,
that it is very unrealistic,'' the Post quoted one White House
official as saying.

The cost of the counternarcotics program has been estimated
at roughly $3 billion to $4 billion over the next 10 years, the
Post reported.

The plan aims to eradicate the world's entire production of
heroin, cocaine and marijuana over 10 years.


UN Television Ad Press Release - Please Distribute Widely (DrugSense
Notes The Group Common Sense For Drug Policy Is Airing An Advertisement
In Nine Major American Cities June 4-8 To Coincide With President Clinton's
Appearance Before The United Nations General Assembly Special Session
On Drug Control Policy - The Ad Features Clinton Giving The Speech
He Ought To Deliver Before The United Nations, Stating Some Obvious Truths -
The War On Drugs Is Not Being Won And It Will Never Succeed -
URLs For RealVideo And .MPG Versions)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 06:41:45 -0400
To: rlake@mapinc.org
From: Richard Lake (rlake@mapinc.org)
Subject: UN TV Ad Press Release: Please Distribute Widely


The Clinton speaking at the UN ad will be aired in 9 US cities. The
press release below provides details. This may be a useful
event for Global Coalition organizations to reach out to their local
media. You can let them know about your local effort and this national
media blitz.



The ad is online at the following webpage as a Realvideo:

There also is an MPEG-1 version (7MB) at


1:30 PM EST June, 3, 1998
Kevin Zeese 703-354-5694


Washington, D.C.: Common Sense for Drug Policy is airing an
advertisement featuring President Bill Clinton with the speech he ought
to deliver before the United Nations stating some obvious truths: the
war on drugs is not being won and it will never succeed.

The advertisement will be shown on Cable News Network, Headline News and
CNBC in New York City, Washington, D.C, Los Angeles, Miami, Boston,
Chicago, Seattle, San Jose and San Francisco. The commercial is paid
for and produced by the non-profit public policy foundation, Common
Sense for Drug Policy and will be broadcast 216 times from June 4th to
June 8th.

The ad is being broadcast to coincide with President Clinton's
appearance before the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on
Drug Control Policy. The Clinton address is Monday, June 8th. The goal
of the special session is creating a "Drug Free World." A voice
imitating Clinton says what he should tell the UN.

Kevin Zeese, President of Common Sense for Drug Policy, said this about
his organization's opposition to the existing UN drug control policy:
"Rather than employing effective drug control policies, the United
States has spent hundreds of billions of dollars on policies that spread
HIV/AIDS to the general public, incarcerate hundreds of thousands of
non-violent offenders and fail to prevent adolescent drug use.
President Clinton should discourage the rest of the world from following
this failed policy. The only thing we learned from the US experience was
a drug war - a law enforcement-based drug strategy - does not work."


Drug War Satire to be Premiered


When: Wednesday, June 3, 1998 at 1:00 PM EST
Where: The United Nations, The Correspondents Club 45th Street and 1st
Ave., Visitors Entrance (If need UN credentials arrive by 12:45)


The script for the advertisement.


VIDEO: Clinton walking into UN and then speaking at podium

VOICE OVER: On June 8, the President Clinton will be addressing the
United Nations about the war on drugs, this is what he should say:

[Voice imitating Clinton is out of sync with his speaking]

Do you think the war on drugs is a complete failure? I do.

Do you think if we spend more money we'll win? Forget it.

We're wasting 17 billion dollars a year now. And, because we put
hundreds of thousands of people in prison for drug offenses, prisons are

too full so we put violent criminals out on the street.

Heck, we're causing more crime than we are stopping.

Isn't time for a drug policy based on Common Sense?"

Visit www.DrugSense.org
Paid for by Common Sense for Drug Policy

Scholars Urge UN To Review Drug War ('The Stanford Report'
Says At Least 10 Stanford University And Hoover Institution Scholars
Are Among A Group Of Prominent Americans Signing An Open Letter
To The United Nations Secretary General, Urging Him To Initiate
A Critical Review Of The International Drug War When The General Assembly
Holds A Special Session On Drugs June 8-10 In New York)

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 23:41:55 -0400
To: rlake@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US CA GE: Scholars Urge U.N. to Review Drug War
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family
Source: Stanford Report
Author: Kathleen O'toole
Pubdate: Wednesday, June 3, 1998
Contact: stanford.report@forsythe
Mail: News Service, Press Courtyard, Santa Teresa Street, Mail Code 2245,
Stanford, CA 94305
Website: http://www-leland.stanford.edu/dept/news/report/index.html


At least 10 Stanford or Hoover scholars are among a group of prominent
Americans signing an open letter to the United Nations secretary general
urging him to initiate a critical review of the international drug war when
the General Assembly holds a special session on drugs June 8-10 in New York.

"We believe that the global war on drugs is now causing more harm than drug
abuse itself," the signers, organized by Hoover Institution Research Fellow
Joseph McNamara, say.

The letter, to be published in national newspapers before the General
Assembly meeting, is signed by, among others, Donald Kennedy, president
emeritus of Stanford and professor of biological sciences; Roger Noll,
professor of economics and director of the public policy program; John
Ferejohn, professor of political science and senior fellow at Hoover;
sociologist Alex Inkeles, senior fellow emeritus at Hoover; economists
Melvin Krauss and Thomas Moore, both senior fellows at Hoover; Miguel
Mendez, professor of law; political scientist William Ratliff of Hoover;
and Dr. Mark Vierra, assistant professor of surgery.

McNamara said he was seeking more signers for the letter, which also has
been signed by former Sen. Alan Cranston, D-Calif.; federal judges Robert
Sweet of New York and John Kane of Denver; and San Francisco District
Attorney Terence Hallinan. McNamara, whose own research is focused on the
drug war, has organized several conferences to bring together politicians,
law enforcement officers, medical doctors and social scientists to discuss
more effective policies for reducing the harm of drug addiction and

The letter urges U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to lead a "frank and
honest evaluation of global drug control efforts." It points out that U.N.
and government policies on drug control have focused on criminalization and
punishment without much success.

"U.N. agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by the illegal drug
industry at $400 million, or the equivalent of roughly 8 percent of total
international trade. This industry has empowered organized criminals,
corrupted governments at all levels, eroded internal security, stimulated
violence and distorted both economic markets and moral values. These are
the consequences not of the drug use per se, but of decades of failed and
futile drug war policies," the signers assert.

Because the signers include prominent people with differing political and
professional backgrounds, McNamara said he hopes the letter "can influence
the U.N. to at least do more than run a program fixed by the DEA [U.S. Drug
Enforcement Administration]. The publicity surrounding the ads may well be
the first step in forcing a debate on an irrational and essentially
un-American policy which we all know can never work."


Dear Secretary General,

On the occasion of the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on
Drugs in New York on June 8-10, 1998, we seek your leadership in
stimulating a frank and honest evaluation of global drug control efforts.

We are all deeply concerned about the threat that drugs pose to our
children, our fellow citizens and our societies. There is no choice but to
work together, both within our countries and across borders, to reduce the
harms associated with drugs. The United Nations has a legitimate and
important role to play in this regard  but only if it is willing to ask
and address tough questions about the success or failure of its efforts.

We believe that the global war on drugs is now causing more harm than drug
abuse itself.

Every decade the United Nations adopts new international conventions,
focused largely on criminalization and punishment, that restrict the
ability of individual nations to devise effective solutions to local drug
problems. Every year governments enact more punitive and costly drug
control measures. Every day politicians endorse harsher new drug war

What is the result? U.N. agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by
the illegal drug industry at $400 billion, or the equivalent of roughly
eight per cent of total international trade. This industry has empowered
organized criminals, corrupted governments at all levels, eroded internal
security, stimulated violence, and distorted both economic markets and
moral values. These are the consequences not of drug use per se, but of
decades of failed and futile drug war policies.

In many parts of the world, drug war politics impede public health efforts
to stem the spread of HIV, hepatitis and other infectious diseases. Human
rights are violated, environmental assaults perpetrated and prisons
inundated with hundreds of thousands of drug law violators. Scarce
resources better expended on health, education and economic development are
squandered on ever more expensive interdiction efforts. Realistic proposals
to reduce drug-related crime, disease and death are abandoned in favor of
rhetorical proposals to create drug-free societies.

Persisting in our current policies will only result in more drug abuse,
more empowerment of drug markets and criminals, and more disease and
suffering. Too often those who call for open debate, rigorous analysis of
current policies, and serious consideration of alternatives are accused of
"surrendering." But the true surrender is when fear and inertia combine to
shut off debate, suppress critical analysis, and dismiss all alternatives
to current policies.

Mr. Secretary General, we appeal to you to initiate a truly open and honest
dialogue regarding the future of global drug control policies  one in
which fear, prejudice and punitive prohibitions yield to common sense,
science, public health and human rights.


Date: Fri, 05 Jun 1998 21:48:08 -0400
To: DrugSense News Service 
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: US CA GE: Correction: RE: Scholars Urge U.N. to Review Drug War
Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family 
Source: Stanford Report
Author: Kathleen O'Toole
Pubdate: Wednesday, June 3, 1998
Contact: stanford.report@forsythe
Mail: News Service, Press Courtyard, Santa Teresa Street, Mail Code 2245,
Stanford, CA 94305
Website: http://www-leland.stanford.edu/dept/news/report/index.html

Editor's note: The above contact address, as posted yesterday, is incorrect.
It should read:

Contact: stanford.report@forsythe.stanford.edu

A reader noticed the following in the article:

"U.N. agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by the illegal drug
industry at $400 million, or the equivalent of roughly 8 percent of total
international trade.

But the text of the letter clearly says $400 billion. I have sent a note to
the editor of the Report asking if a correction will be printed. No
response yet. The original post is on the website as follows. - Richard
Lake, Sr. Editor at the DrugSense News Service


Mexico To Prosecute Undercover US Customs Agents ('The New York Times'
Says Mexico Has Advised The United States That It Will Seek The Extradition
Of Prohibition Agents And Informers Who Carried Out
The 'Operation Casablanca' Undercover Money-Laundering Sting On Mexican Soil,
And Charge Them With Entrapment - Illegal In Mexico - Engaging In
Money-Laundering, And Usurping The Authority Of Mexican Law Enforcement)

Date: Tue, 9 Jun 1998 20:36:23 -0800
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: Mexico: WIRE: Mexico To Prosecute Undercover U.S. Customs Agents
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/
Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family 
Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 at 8:45 p.m. PDT
Source: New York Times Wire Service
Author: Julia Preston New York Times


MEXICO CITY -- Mexico has advised the United States that it will prosecute
U.S. Customs agents and informers who carried out an undercover
money-laundering operation on Mexican soil and will seek the agents'
extradition to face criminal trial here.

In a meeting on Monday in Caracas, Venezuela, Foreign Secretary Rosario
Green of Mexico handed Secretary of State Madeleine Albright a list of
Mexican laws that the customs agents violated, according to preliminary
results of Mexican investigations.

Mexico is preparing to accuse the agents of entrapment, engaging in
money-laundering and usurping the authority of Mexican law enforcement, Ms.
Green said in news interviews.

``Our legal action is going forward and that's final,'' Ms. Green told a
Mexican radio interviewer on Tuesday.

The three-year undercover operation, code-named Casablanca, was described
by officials of the U.S. Customs Services as the largest and probably the
most successful in U.S. law enforcement history. According to indictments
in Los Angeles stemming from the investigation, employees of 12 Mexican
banks laundered at least $110 million for drug organizations based in
Colombia and Mexico.

But the operation has badly shaken the close relations that the Clinton
administration built with Mexico. U.S. officials embarrassed their Mexican
counterparts by not informing them about the secret operation until hours
before its results were announced publicly in Washington on May 18. Mexican
officials have come under a barrage of criticism here for being cowed by
the United States.

The indictments in the case make it clear that several customs agents and
confidential informers who did not work for the U.S. government met with
bankers and narcotics dealers inside Mexico.

The operations centered on a painstakingly constructed sting, a front
company run by customs called Emerald Empire Corp. based near Los Angeles.
Through this company, undercover customs agents received instructions from
Colombian and Mexican traffickers and relayed them to bankers in Mexico.
Customs also used elaborate ruses to lure Mexican bankers suspected of
money-laundering out of Mexico so they could be arrested in the United

Sting operations are illegal under Mexican law.

At a meeting of the Organization of American States in Caracas, Ms.
Albright acknowledged that ties with Mexico had been damaged. ``Obviously
there needs to be better cooperation,'' she said.

But Ms. Green said Ms. Albright issued a straightforward apology in the
private meeting. Mexico's foreign minister said Ms. Albright was angry that
she, too, had been left in the dark about the operation.

Drug Cartel Smashed, Mexicans Say ('The Los Angeles Times'
Says Mexico's Top Anti-Drug Official, Mariano Herran Salvatti,
Told Reporters In Mexico City Tuesday That Police Had Arrested
The Suspected Leaders Of The Country's Main Synthetic Drug Cartel,
Luis And Jesus Amezcua-Contreras, Dealing A Powerful Blow
To Methamphetamine Trafficking Into California And Other American States)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:24:41 -0400
To: DrugSense News Service 
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: Mexico: Drug Cartel Smashed, Mexicans Say
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: Jim Rosenfield
Source: Los Angeles Times (CA)
Contact: letters@latimes.com
Fax: 213-237-4712
Website: http://www.latimes.com/
Pubdate: June 3, 1998
Author: James F. Smith, Times Staff Writer


Crime: Authorities Capture Two Brothers Who Allegedly Ran Main
Methamphetamine Ring.

MEXICO CITY--Mexican authorities said Tuesday that they had smashed the
country's main synthetic drug cartel, dealing a powerful blow to
methamphetamine trafficking into California and other American states.

Mexico's top anti-drug official, Mariano Herran Salvatti, told reporters
that police arrested the suspected cartel leaders, Luis and Jesus
Amezcua-Contreras, and seized 125 properties and businesses that were being
used to smuggle the drugs and launder the profits.

The brothers are both wanted in the United States. Jesus, described by
authorities as the cartel leader, was indicted on drug-trafficking charges
in San Diego in February 1993, and Luis was indicted in Los Angeles in
December 1994 on methamphetamine and money-laundering charges.

The apparent breakup of one of the country's major drug-trafficking cartels
was a welcome victory for Mexican authorities, who have been embarrassed
and angered by last month's U.S. money-laundering investigation resulting
in the arrest of scores of suspects, including 26 Mexican bankers.

Mexico has protested furiously that U.S. Customs Service and Drug
Enforcement Administration investigators carried out the probe without
informing their Mexican colleagues and did clandestine undercover work on
Mexican soil. U.S. officials have apologized but said they had to maintain
complete secrecy during the probe.

Herran noted that U.S. officials had been kept informed of the Amezcua
investigation, and he said it was a demonstration of the effective
cooperation the two countries can achieve in the war against drug trafficking.

In Washington, DEA Administrator Thomas A. Constantine commended the
Mexican government for the arrests.

"The Amezcua brothers run the largest methamphetamine and chemical
trafficking organization identified by U.S. law enforcement," Constantine
said, "and the arrest and removal of these two key leaders should
significantly disrupt the established methamphetamine trade which is
carried out by organized crime leaders in Mexico."

The Amezcua brothers, including Adan, the alleged third leader of the
cartel who was arrested in Mexico in November, began their careers working
as smugglers for the Colombian cocaine cartels, according to U.S. and
Mexican authorities. The brothers allegedly moved into methamphetamine in
the late 1980s and built up contacts with Asian and European suppliers to
obtain the chemicals needed to produce the drug.

Herran described the brothers' business as Mexico's fourth-largest drug
cartel, after the Juarez, Tijuana and Gulf cartels, which focus on cocaine

Authorities in Los Angeles announced in December that they had dismantled a
large methamphetamine ring that was allegedly supplied by the Amezcuas. The
17 suspects, who purportedly worked for a Southland family called the
Anguianos, were alleged to have set up three clandestine methamphetamine
labs in Acton, Maywood and Apple Valley in San Bernardino County that could
produce more than 600 pounds of drugs a day.

That effort formed part of Operation Meta, a campaign to combat the surging
methamphetamine trade across the United States.

Herran called the Amezcua arrests the largest blow to drug traffickers in
Mexico this year. Luis Amezcua was arrested in Guadalajara on Monday. Jesus
was picked up in Mexico City on Tuesday.

Copyright Los Angeles Times

Officer Aided Crime Bosses, Police Charge ('Vancouver Sun'
In British Columbia Says Chiu Ping Philip Tsang
Of The Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit Is To Appear
In Provincial Court Today For Allegedly Passing
Confidential Police Information To Organized Crime Figures)

From: creator@islandnet.com (Matt Elrod)
To: mattalk@listserv.islandnet.com
Subject: Officer aided crime bosses, police charge
Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 08:06:11 -0700
Lines: 115
Source: Vancouver Sun
Contact: sunletters@pacpress.southam.ca

Wed 03 Jun 1998 News A1 / Front

Officer aided crime bosses, police charge

By: Lindsay Kines and Rick Ouston

A 41-year-old officer in the Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit is to
appear in provincial court today for allegedly passing confidential
police information to organized crime figures.

Chiu Ping Philip Tsang, a special constable investigator working under
the ministry of the attorney-general, is a former member of the Royal
Hong Kong Police Service.

He has been charged with breach of trust, counselling to commit an
offence and obstructing justice.

Tsang had been assigned to the Asian organized crime section of CLEU
for five years, and was arrested at his office about 9 a.m. Tuesday by
RCMP major crime investigators.

He is being held in custody at the Vancouver city police jail.

RCMP media relations Sergeant Russ Grabb said more arrests are
expected, and at least one individual under suspicion works in the
criminal justice field.

``We're not looking at police officers,'' Grabb said. ``There's at
least one other individual that we're looking at and, because the case
is under investigation, we're obviously not in a position to

Tsang's arrest Tuesday followed a nine-month undercover investigation
by the RCMP's major crime, drugs and customs and excise sections, as
well as Vancouver city police.

Grabb refused to say what prompted the investigation.

``There were concerns raised about police operations allegedly being
compromised and confidential police information allegedly being passed
on to the criminal element,'' he said.

``As a result of that, an investigation was ordered and it very
quickly focused in one area on one individual.''

Grabb said four investigators were assigned to the probe full-time,
but up to a dozen people were involved at any one time.

Records at the B.C. Assessment Authority list a Philip Chiu Ping Tsang
as owning a home on Erskine Street in Coquitlam. Tsang bought the
home, currently valued at $257,000, in 1990, taking out a mortgage for

In 1996, Tsang was given a revolving line of credit for $150,000, at
an interest rate of five per cent above prime rate, using the home as
collateral, mortgage documents filed with the assessment authority

Attorney-General Ujjal Dosanjh refused to comment on the arrest or the
investigation Tuesday.

Chris Beresford, an official in Dosanjh's ministry, said Tsang has
been suspended without pay.

Tsang and two other special investigators were hired amid much fanfare
in 1993 to investigate triad members involved in drug trafficking,
gambling, extortion, prostitution, money laundering, armed robbery and
alien smuggling.

CLEU claimed to be the first agency in Canada recruiting and hiring
special investigators with full police powers. One officer was a
former member of Hong Kong's Independent Commission Against
Corruption. Tsang and the other officer were both ex-members of the
Royal Hong Kong Police.

CLEU officials said the three recruits were experts in investigating
such crimes as counterfeiting, drivers' licence scams and other fraud

Sergeant Jim Fisher, the Asian organized crime coordinator with the
Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada in Ottawa, said Tuesday he had
no information about the Vancouver case and was surprised by the

But the Vancouver city police officer assigned to CISC acknowledged
that corruption is a serious concern for police investigating
organized crime.

A recent conference on Asian organized crime in Toronto featured two
sessions on corruption.

``That's how important we believe the topic is,'' he said. ``One of
them was dealing with police corruption; one of them was dealing with
corporate corruption -- kickbacks, bribes, and that kind of thing.''

Fisher, an Asian crime expert, said one session was instructed by the
Independent Commission Against Corruption. The other was instructed by
Toronto and Vancouver officers.

``Organized crime -- not just Asian organized crime, but every aspect
of organized crime -- tries to gain whatever advantage they can in
dealing with the police, and corruption is one of them,'' he said.
``There's so much at stake.''

Fisher said one of his colleagues compares it to the Cold War. ``We've
got spies on their side; they've got spies on our side. And it's
intense all the time.''

Beresford said 175 people from the RCMP, municipal police departments
and the provincial government work under the umbrella of CLEU, a
joint-forces operation founded in 1974 to combat organized crime.

Is There A Virtual Jail? (Letter To The Editor Of 'The Calgary Sun'
Lampoons Its Claim That 'Pot Is Already Virtually Decriminalized
For Personal Use')

From: creator@islandnet.com (Matt Elrod)
To: mattalk@listserv.islandnet.com
Subject: PUB LTE: Is there a virtual jail?
Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 08:03:47 -0700
Lines: 12
Newshawk: creator@mapinc.org
Source: Calgary Sun
Contact: callet@sunpub.com
Pubdate: 03 Jun 1998

POT IS already virtually decriminalized for personal use? (Letters,
May 31.) Is there a virtual jail? Give us a break indeed.



Marijuana Not Banned Substance For Commonwealth Games Tests
('The Associated Press' Says Athletes Competing At This Year's
British Commonwealth Games In Kuala Lumpur Will Not Be Stripped
Of Their Medals If They Test Positive For Cannabis)

Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 02:17:02 -0400
To: mapnews@mapinc.org
From: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org (MAPNews)
Subject: MN: Canada: Marijuana Not Banned Substance
for Commonwealth Games Tests
Sender: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Reply-To: owner-mapnews@mapinc.org
Newshawk: Patrick Henry
Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998
Source: Associated Press


VANCOUVER, British Columbia (AP) Athletes competing at this year's
Commonwealth Games in Kuala Lumpur will not be stripped of their medals if
they test positive for marijuana.

"We are not interested in marijuana because it isn't a restricted drug in
any of the Commonwealth sports, so we don't take any notice of it," Dr.
Geoffrey Haigh, honorary medical advisor for the Commonwealth Games
Federation, said Wednesday. "It's not an issue."

Marijuana testing and concerns over pollution in the Malaysian capital were
two topics discussed during a Commonwealth Games Federation meeting Haigh
attended last week in Kuala Lumpur.

Asked if an athlete testing positive for marijuana would be stripped of
their medal, Haight said: "No. Never was."

Marijuana became an issue at this year's Winter Olympic Games when traces of
pot were found in Canadian snowboarder Ross Rebagliati's urine sample.

The International Olympic Committee stripped the Whistler, British Columbia,
resident of the gold medal he won in the men's giant slalom even though
Rebagliati claimed he was a victim of second-hand smoke.

The IOC's decision was later overturned and the medal reinstated by the
Court of Arbitration for Sport, which ruled there was no clear provision for
marijuana testing at the Olympic Games.

Embarrassed by the fiasco, the IOC's executive board agreed in April to
draft new provisions in the Olympic Charter and the IOC medical code. IOC
officials said marijuana would be added to the banned list and any athletes
testing positive for the drug would be disqualified.

Haigh said the Commonweath Games Federation follows the IOC rules, but to
date marijuana has not officially been named a banned substance.

"Since it is not at present listed as a banned substance, we are following
last year's list, if you like," he said.

DrugSense Weekly, Number 49 (Summary Of Drug Policy News For Activists,
From DrugSense)

Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 09:55:05 -0700
To: mgreer@mapinc.org
From: Mark Greer (MGreer@mapinc.org)
Subject: DrugSense Weekly, June 3, 1998 No. 049




DrugSense Weekly, June 3,1998 No. 049

A DrugSense publication




	Feature Article

DEA Moves Toward Use of Herbicides for Marijuana Eradication Efforts
by Paul Armentano

	Weekly News In Review

Drug War Policy-

	The Nature of Drug-Trafficking Networks

	The Militarization of the Drug War in Latin America

	Raiders Net Millions, Ton Of Cocaine


	Australia - Jail Chief Tells of Drug Scams

	Ireland - Addicts At The Mercy Of Jail's 'drug Supermarket'

	US - Drug dealing in Marion County Jails Under Investigation


	Big Night Out Ended Drug Sting

	Clinton Expresses Regret Over Mexico Drug Sting

	Anti-Drug Cooperation In Jeopardy, Mexico Tells U.S.

Medical Marijuana-

	Summit on Medical Marijuana Distribution

	Crucifying St. Peter

International News-

	Columbia - War? What war? Colombians don't want to know

	A Drug Trade Primer for the Late 1990's

Hot Off The 'Net

	CNN reform ad and Stossel piece now on-line

DrugSense Tip Of The Week

What YOU can do

Quote of the Week




DEA Moves Toward Use of Herbicides Within the US in Marijuana Eradication

by Paul Armentano Director of Publications, The NORML Foundation

The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) completed a series of public
hearings this spring evaluating the environmental and health hazards
posed by the agency's use of herbicides in the federal Domestic
Cannabis Eradication Suppression Program. Public and written testimony
from the forums will be included in the agency's forthcoming document:
Cannabis Eradication in the Contiguous United States and Hawaii,
Supplement to the Environmental Impact Statements. The agency has not
conducted a review of their program since 1986.

A pivotal issue for drug reform activists and environmentalists
regarding the DEA's eradication program lies in the potential safety
threat the program poses for humans and the environment. Of particular
concern are the dangers posed by the aerial application of the
herbicide glyphosate (aka Round Up) on patches of wild growing

Environmental journals have long criticized the aerial use of the
herbicide glyphosate in marijuana eradication efforts. A report in the
February 1993 issue of Global Pesticide Campaigner called the tactic
"unsuccessful" and highlighted the chemical's potential dangers.
"Reports from other countries where aerial spraying has been used in
anti-drug programs are not encouraging," it states. "International
health workers in Guatemala report acute poisonings in peasants living
in areas near eradication spraying, while farmers in these zones have
sustained serious damage to their crops."[1]

Last year, a June 5 Reuters News article reaffirmed these dangers.
"There is a high risk in aerial spraying [of the herbicide,[1]" Louis
Eduardo Perra, senior researcher at Colombia's National Drug Council,
told the news wire. "There is a risk to those who may be exposed on
the ground. There is a risk of contamination in our rivers."[2]

The winter 1995 edition of the Journal of Pesticide Reform reported
similar cases in the U.S. "In California, ... glyphosate was the third
most commonly reported pesticide illness among agricultural workers,"
the journal reported. "Among landscape maintenance workers, glyphosate
was the most commonly reported cause."[3] The author added that,
"Glyphosate exposure damages or reduces the population of many animals,
including beneficial insects, fish, birds, and earthworms, [and] in
some cases is directly toxic."[4]

The journal also stated that aerial application of the drug poses an
even greater danger to the environment. "In general, movement of a
pesticide through unwanted drift is unavoidable; drift of glyphosate is
no exception." The article emphasized that glyphosate drift is a
"particularly significant problem ... [because] damage is likely to be
much more extensive and more persistent than with many other

Studies conducted regarding the aerial spraying of glyphosate in the
early 1990s demonstrated that between 41 and 82 percent of glyphosate
applied from helicopters moves off the target site.[6] In addition, two
studies conducted in Canada measured glyphosate residues more than 650
feet away from target areas following helicopter applications to forest
sites and a third study from California found glyphosate over 2,600
feet away following aerial application.[7]

First hand experiences from Hawaii -- the only state where the DEA
regularly sprays glyphosate from aircraft -- illustrate the dangers
inherent to the agency's eradication efforts. According to area
physician, Patricia Bailey, M.D., who first contacted NORML in 1996,
the DEA's eradication program directly threatens the health of area
residents and poisons wildlife. At that time, Bailey collected incident
reports from some 40 persons, aged nine months to 84 years, who claim
that they have been adversely affected by the spray. She cited
generalized symptoms of eye and respiratory tract irritation. She
further noted that about 75 percent of respondents suffered from

This summer, Oklahoma law enforcement will begin routinely spraying
glyphosate from low flying aircraft in their DEA-sponsored marijuana
eradication activities. (Ninety-six percent of the total marijuana
plants eliminated annually in Oklahoma by the program are wild growing
hemp.[8]) Many drug reform activists fear that law enforcement in
several other mid-western states will also begin engaging in this
activity, therefore making the DEA's 1998 environmental review pivotal
to the health and safety of millions of Americans.

According to the published literature and anecdotal reports from
Hawaii, glyphosate -- particularly when applied from low flying
aircraft -- poses a real threat to the health and safety of residents
and the environment. This herbicide's demonstrated threat to public
safety greatly overshadows any alleged problems ditchweed may pose for
law enforcement. Unfortunately, however, it appears unlikely that the
DEA will discontinue these practices despite growing evidence and
mounting public criticism.

A final version of the DEA's Supplement to the Environmental Impact
Statement is due out in three to six months.


1 Elsa Nivia, et al. "Drug Control and Herbicide Spraying in Columbia,"
Global Pesticide Campaigner, February 1993.

2 "Columbia expert warns on drug spraying," Reuters News Service, June
5, 1997.

3 Caroline Cox, "Glyphosate, Part 2: Human Exposure and ecological
Effects," Journal of Pesticide Reform, 15, 1995.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

8 Office of the State Auditor, State Auditor's Report on the Domestic
Cannabis Eradication Suppression Program and the Edward Byrne Memorial
Grant (Montpelier, Vermont: January 16, 1998).

Paul Armentano, 26, is the Director of Publications for The NORML
Foundation in Washington D.C. Armentano testified before the DEA on May
27, 1998, in opposition to the continued use of herbicides in the
federal Domestic Cannabis Eradication Suppression Program. (Copies of
Armentano's testimony are available upon request from The NORML
Foundation at (202) 483-8751.)




Domestic News- Policy



The April issue of Current History was entirely devoted to
"Narcopolitics," and contains several good articles. This one is a
detailed analysis of why criminal organizations have been so
consistently able to enlarge their illicit drug markets in the face of
intense law enforcement opposition. While the author doesn't come to
the conclusion that police are permanently overmatched, it's the only
one possible for an intelligent reader.

The second article is from the same source and explains clearly
The policy behind many of the disturbing stories emanating from Latin
America and our border with Mexico.

Mike Gray's "Drug Crazy," due in bookstores this week, opens with a
comparison modern Chicago's illegal drug market the criminal alcohol
market of seventy years ago. The numbers in the Chicago Tribune story
say it all- any illegal market which can risk that much product to
interdiction is thriving, no matter what claims of success the drug
czar might make.



There are many reasons why the war on drugs has failed. One of the most
important has been the inability of law enforcement efforts and
military interdiction to degrade, disrupt, or destroy the networks
trafficking drugs into the United States and Western Europe. This
inability stems from a failure to understand fully the structure of
these networks and their capacity to counter or circumvent law
enforcement and military interdiction.


Source: Current History
Website: http://www.current history.com/
Contact: chistory@aol.com
Pubdate: April 1998
Author: Phil Williams



Despite the end of the cold war and the transitions toward more
democratic societies in Latin America, the United States has launched a
number of initiatives that strengthen the power of Latin American
security forces, increase the resources available to them, and expand
their role within society-precisely when struggling civilian elected
governments are striving to keep them in check. Rather than
encouraging Latin American militaries to limit their role to the
defense of national borders, Washington has instead provided the
training, resources, and doctrinal justification for militaries to move
into the business of building roads and schools, offering veterinary
and child inoculation services, and protecting the environment. Of
greatest concern, however, is America's insistence that the region's
armed forces - including the United States military itself - play a
significant role in domestic counter narcotics operations, a law
enforcement function reserved in most democracies for civilian police


Source: Current History
Contact: chistory@aol.com
Pubdate: April 1998
Author: Peter Zirnite
Section: Page 166
Note: This article is being posted in two parts. Part 1 of 2.
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n394.a02.html



Authorities said Wednesday they have seized more than 1 1/2 tons of
cocaine and several million dollars in cash by cracking a drug ring
that shipped narcotics to Chicago in 18-wheelers and used a West
Side produce company as a drop-off point.

One suspect was caught red-handed carrying a large duffel bag
filled with cash outside his Southwest Side home, officials said.
Inside the residence, Drug Enforcement Administration agents said
they discovered some $5 million in mostly small bills.


Pubdate: Thu, 28 May 1998
Source: Chicago Tribune ( IL)
Contact: tribletter@aol.com
Website: http://www.chicago.tribune.com/
Author: Matt O'Connor
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n398.a10.html





One of the great ironies of the drug war is the inability of prison
Administrations to prevent drug sales within their tightly controlled
domains; as attested to in news articles from 3 separate countries
during the past week.



ABOUT a third of criminals in the State's toughest jail use drugs.

And prison bosses admit they can only curb the flow inside - but never
stamp it out.

Casuarina Prison deputy superintendent James Schilo admitted a
crackdown on prison visits - the main source of drugs - would have
disastrous consequences.

"Casuarina is a $100 million asset. I believe if we were to have
non-contact visits for all prisoners we would lose the prison within a
matter of hours - they would burn it down," Mr Schilo said.


Pubdate: Sun, 24 May 1998
Source: Sunday Times ( Australia)
Contact: pstedit@vianet.net.au
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n383.a04.html



Dermot Fitzpatrick spent 18 years taking heroin and spent most of
that time in prison. He describes prison as being "like a drugs
supermarket". "You walk around for a while and you'll have four or
five people asking you what you're looking for. They're actually
selling drugs.

"There are non-users sharing with addicts who are leaving syringes
and spikes all over the cells. People are going down to Portlaoise
and Shelton Abbey just to get away from it, and their families have
major difficulty in visiting them


Source: Irish Times
Author: Roddy O'Sullivan
Pubdate: 25 May 1998
Contact: The Irish Times, 11-15 D'Olier St, Dublin 2, Ireland
Fax: ++ 353 1 671 9407
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n387.a04.html



INDIANAPOLIS -- Investigators are seeking the source of illegal drugs
in two Marion County jail facilities.

The wife of one inmate under investigation testified she received
money orders at home from strangers. Another inmate tested positive
for cocaine after a three-day stay behind bars.

The apparently unrelated incidents involve the six-month-old Marion
County Jail II, a privately run facility, and the Marion County


Source: The Indianapolis Star
Contact: stareditor@starnews.com
Website: http://www.starnews.com/
Pubdate: 26 May 1998
Author: George McLaren, Indianapolis Star/News
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n401.a04.html





Mexico continues to be a difficult arena for US law enforcement. A
successful "sting" implicating leading Mexican banks reported
triumphantly on the 21st became yet another embarrassing international
incident when it turned out that it had been conducted entirely
without notification of the Mexican government. Clinton's hasty
apology on the 26th apparently did little to heal bruised feelings.



The dozen men appeared to be just another gathering of high-rolling,
well heeled business executives who had traveled by private jet to
discuss a major deal over dinner and drinks at a casino designed to
look like a set from a classic Bogart movie.

After dinner, a convoy of limousines arrived to whisk the men from
the Casablanca Casino Resort in Mesquite, Nevada, 75 miles ( 120
kilometers) across the desert for a night on the town in Las Vegas.


The Saturday night limousine roundup on the outskirts of Las Vegas
---as described Tuesday by U.S. Customs authorities familiar with
the operation---was part of what law enforcement officials describe
as the largest drug-money laundering case in U.S. history, note
that for the first time tied Mexico's banking system directly to
the wholesale cleansing of illicit drug profits.


Source: International Herald-Tribune
Contact: iht@iht.com
Website: http://www.iht.com/
Pubdate: May 21, 1998
Author: Molly Moore and Douglas Farah, Washington Post Service
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n382.a04.html



WASHINGTON -- President Clinton, responding to a complaint by Mexico,
told President Ernesto Zedillo the United States should have informed
Mexican authorities about an undercover U.S. money-laundering sting in
that country, the White House said Tuesday.

"President Clinton expressed regret that better prior consultation had
not been possible in this case," spokesman Mike McCurry said,
confirming Clinton called Zedillo after the Mexican leader condemned
the secret use of American undercover agents inside his country.


Source: Associated Press
Pubdate: 26 May 1998
Author: Laura Myers, Associated Press
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n390.a02.html



Diplomacy: Money-laundering sting by Americans angers officials.
Probe has damaged nation's trust, they say.

MEXICO CITY--Operation Casablanca, the biggest money-laundering
investigation in U.S. history, has so incensed Mexican officials that
they are now warning it will damage vital anti-drug cooperation with
the American government. The diplomatic row has cast a pall over an
operation that the Clinton administration hailed as a success earlier
this month.


Pubdate: Sat, 30 May 1998
Source: Los Angeles Times ( CA)
Contact: letters@latimes.com
Website: http://www.latimes.com/
Author: Mary Beth Sheridan
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n403.a01.html


Medical Marijuana



This week's update of the ongoing California struggle over Prop.215
sees the once seemingly invulnerable San Francisco club firmly closed
down. A well intentioned "summit" in Sacramento which could be called
"too little, too late, " might have been more helpful a year ago.
However, given the demonstrated antipathy of law enforcement, even
that's doubtful.

That antipathy was exemplified by the shabby treatment of Peter Baez,
co-founder of the San Jose club, at the hands of the San Jose police,
as detailed in a local Silicon Valley newspaper.



Officials Suggest Ways to Distribute Medical Marijuana

Legislature: Amid legal dispute over Prop. 215, Senate committee
hears testimony from state, local leaders.

SACRAMENTO--Faced with a federal crackdown on California's cannabis
clubs, local and state officials brainstormed Tuesday about alternative
ways to distribute medical marijuana to those with AIDS, cancer and
other diseases.

At a hearing before a state Senate committee, the officials--joined by
dozens of medical marijuana advocates--agreed that the easiest answer
was to make marijuana available in pharmacies.


Source: Los Angeles Times
Contact: letters@latimes.com
Website: http://www.latimes.com/
Pubdate: Wed, 27 May 1998
Author: Jenifer Warren, Times Staff Writer
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n391.a02.html



While spouting rhetoric supporting the Compassionate Use Act, local
officials launch an attack against the man they once called a hero

'LUCY VALENZUELA" does not want to reveal her real name because she
is afraid of being seen as a criminal. To control her almost
constant pain, the 56-year-old San Jose woman, whose hands are
disfigured from diabetic nerve damage and who walks with crutches,
likes to smoke a bit of marijuana.


Until recently, Valenzuela believed the government--via the will of
the people--had agreed to allow her to do this in peace. Now she's
not so sure.

Until last month, Valenzuela was a client of the Santa Clara County
Medical Cannabis Center. When San Jose police arrested founder
Peter Baez in March and seized its records, they decided that
Valenzuela was not a legitimate patient. Now she is known in court
documents as Buyer Number 5.


Source: The Metro ( Silicon Valley's Weekly Newspaper)
Contact: letters@sjmetro.com
Pubdate: From the May 28-June 3, 1998 issue of Metro.
Author: Eric Johnson
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n398.a11.html


International News



Another important article from April Current history, this offers a
useful overview of US drug prohibition policy in present day Latin
America. Since this area is a very likely source of destabilizing new
developments, it deserves our full attention. This is another article
which deserves to be read in its entirety.

The Toronto Star piece describes social and political chaos in
Colombia on the eve of national elections. It would be an
exaggeration to claim that all that nation's problems stem from the
illegal drug markets created by US policy, however, it's impossible to
visualize a "solution" while those markets still exist.



Since the late 1980s, drugs have become public enemy number one in the
West, embodying the "new lack of order" that characterizes the
post-cold war world. By advancing the theory of "the scourge of drugs,"
Western nations have above all sought to reemploy the geopolitical
tools that had been rusting under the influence of what was perhaps
hastily described as the "new world order."

The drug system operates on a global scale that recognizes neither
nationality nor borders. It is governed by the rules of supply and
demand, dumping, and even bartering. As with the effective marketing of
any product at the end of the twentieth century; the drug system
involves strategies and tactics that bring radically different
civilizations, attitudes, and principles into contact, affecting them
in various ways depending on the drugs involved. Although an integral
part of local and regional history; the system of producing and
marketing drugs is nonetheless very different from that of any other
product, whether legal or not. Everything connected with drugs is at
the same time "modern" and "traditional," "international" and "local."
In short, drugs are the barely distorted reflection of the problems
involved in managing the world at the dawn of the third millennium.


Source: Current History
Contact: chistory@aol.com
Pubdate: April 1998
Author: Geopolitical Drug Watch
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n386.a06.html



Peace seems just an afterthought as a blood-soaked country gets ready
to vote

Toronto Star Latin America Bureau

SAN JOSE, Colombia

THE WOMAN is belligerent. She is feeding her own children, as well as
refugee kids, and has no time for questions from a Canadian reporter.

``What good does it do to tell the world about the killings in
Colombia?'' asks Dora Maria, a respected teacher in this jungle village
in Antioquia province.


``Things are very complicated. But maybe until things get much more
complicated, nothing is going to get better in Colombia,'' says Maria
Teresa Ronderos, political commentator and editor of the magazine La
Nota Economica.

``We are in a situation where the guerrillas and paramilitaries have
become huge powers in Colombia. And, yet, I honestly don't believe the
political and economic establishment is truly aware of that fact.''

It is a stunning statement.

How can people not be aware?


Source: Toronto Star ( Canada)
Contact: lettertoed@thestar.com
Website: http://www.thestar.com/
Pubdate: 30 May 1998
Author: Linda Diebel
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n401.a02.html




There will be a pro reform TV ad on CNN run 100+ times in the next four
days! It depicts Clinton voicing what he should "really" be saying at
the UN. It was put together by Common Sense for Drug Policy and is
great media winner during this important time.

Thanks to Rolf Ernst at Legalize-USA for the quick assistance in
getting this available to all our on-line friends. It will only run in
DC and NY so it's good that all can view it.


The ad is on-line at the following web page as a Realvideo:


There also is an MPEG-1 version (7MB) at



The *outstanding* ABC Special "Sex, Drugs, and Consenting Adults with John
Stossel is also now on-line at:





Help and volunteerism is what we're about. If you have the abilities
and/or desire we need help in the following categories:

1) Letter writers. Read the DrugSense weekly and select an article that
motivates you then write a letter using the email address usually
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2) NewsHawks. Find news articles on drug policy issues and either scan
or copy them and forward them to editor@mapinc.org This can be done by
monitoring any of hundreds of on-line newspapers or by scanning
articles from you local paper. See: http://www.mapinc.org/hawk.htm

3) Recruiters. Visit newsgroups, email chat lists, and other sources for
large groups of reform minded people and encourage them to visit our web
pages, subscribe to our DrugSense Weekly newsletter and t get involved.

4) Fundraise. We are always short of funding either contribute or try
to find others to do so.

5) Start a local reform group in your state or country. If you have 20
people who will help do the above types of activities we will provide a
free email list to coordinate your groups activities and provide
guidance to get you started.




`The more corrupt the state, the more numerous the laws'
- Tacitus, Annals III 27 -


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our members. Watch this feature to learn more about what DrugSense can
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