------------------------------------------------------------------- District Judges Reject Drug-Expert Testimony; Prosecutors Plan Appeal ('Associated Press' Says Pierce County Prosecutors In Tacoma, Washington, Are Throwing Out 35 Driving-Under-The-Influence Cases, Citing A Recent Decision By Five District Court Judges That So-Called Police 'Drug Recognition Experts' Don't Know What They're Talking About) Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 16:11:36 -0400 From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US WA: District Judges Reject Drug-Expert Testimony; Prosecutors Plan Appeal To: DrugSense News Service (firstname.lastname@example.org) Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: W.H.E.N. - Bob Owen - Olympia (email@example.com) Source: Associated Press Pubdate: Wednesday, 3 June 1998 DISTRICT JUDGES REJECT DRUG-EXPERT TESTIMONY; PROSECUTORS PLAN APPEAL TACOMA (AP) -- Pierce County prosecutors are throwing out 35 driving-under-the-influence cases, citing a recent decision by five District Court judges to bar testimony from trained drug-recognition experts. "I feel we have no choice but to dismiss these cases without this valuable evidence for the jury, but the matter is so important we are asking the Supreme Court for immediate review," Prosecutor John Ladenburg said. He said he expected a decision from the state's highest court in six months to a year. If the court rules in prosecutors' favor, the cases will be refiled, Ladenburg said. Impaired driving is becoming more common, he said, and the judges' May 19 ruling "removes one of the state's most important tools to combat this danger." People suspected of drunken driving still will be charged, but those suspected of being under the influence of drugs aren't as likely to be hauled into court, Ladenburg said Tuesday. The Pierce County District Court judges, ruling that special drug-recognition training isn't scientifically reliable enough, barred testimony from the trained officers speculating about what drug or drugs a suspect might have ingested. Drug cases are harder to prove than alcohol offenses because the blood-alcohol test generally given to suspected drunken drivers doesn't identify methamphetamines, cocaine or heroin, Ladenburg said. Testing for drugs at the scene is not routine. That makes it essential that police officers who have completed Drug Recognition Expert training be permitted to testify about their conclusions, he said. In DRE training, officers are taught to use interrogation, observation of the nose and mouth, searches for needle marks, tests for pupil reaction, and checking a suspect's pulse, temperature and blood pressure. Thirty-five police officers -- about half of them from the Washington State Patrol -- have completed DRE training in this state. Another 25 Washington officers are working toward certification in the program, now in place in 33 states. Appellate courts in Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Iowa, Minnesota, New York, Texas, Utah and the Federal District Court of Nevada have upheld the admissibility of Drug Recognition Expert testimony, Ladenburg said. And such testimony is routinely used in King County District Court, Seattle Municipal Court and Tacoma Municipal Court. The five Pierce County District Court judges, who handle 90 percent of the court's caseload, said letting police testify about what drugs suspects may have taken without physical evidence would amount to speculation. "The scientific community does not support the theory that DREs can accurately state which drug a person has ingested, when that ingestion occurred, or a given drug's pharmacological action," the judges said in their written decision. "Thus, while the observations of the suspect's physiological and behavioral traits give strong evidence of what drug family or families are at work, the DRE cannot say, with scientific accuracy, which drug or family of drugs is at work," they said. In King County," cases with DRE being the only evidence have been relatively rare here," said Dan Donohoe, spokesman for Prosecutor Norm Maleng. "In most of our cases, there is some other type of evidence, whether it is an admission by the suspect, failing physical tests or something else."
------------------------------------------------------------------- Narc Alert - Do You Know These Lawbreakers? (The Oakland Cannabis Buyers' Cooperative Posts Photos Of Two Undercover Agents Who Attempted To Break The Law By Using Forged Documents To Obtain Medical Marijuana And Were Apprehended And Exposed During A Press Conference At The Dispensary May 21) Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 16:39:18 EDT Errors-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Originator: firstname.lastname@example.org Sender: email@example.com From: Phil Smith (firstname.lastname@example.org) To: Multiple recipients of list (email@example.com) Subject: narc alert - do you know these lawbreakers? The Oakland Cannabis Buyers' Cooperative has posted photos of the two undercover agents who tried to pass off forged documents May 21 while all the media were there for a press conference. There is also a link to a page with photos of forged documents presented by 4 agents in 1997. Go to: http://www.rxcbc.org/news.html
------------------------------------------------------------------- Officer Exemption (List Subscriber Suggests A Way To Distribute Medical Marijuana Legally To Patients In California Protected By Proposition 215 - He Says The Federal Controlled Substances Act Allows Police To Possess, Transport, Distribute And Manufacture Controlled Substances As Long As They Do So Pursuant To Enforcement Of A State Or Local Law) Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 20:21:48 EDT Errors-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: Robert.Goodman@godi.adirondack.fidonet.org Originator: email@example.com Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org From: Robert.Goodman@godi.adirondack.fidonet.org (Robert Goodman) To: Multiple recipients of list (email@example.com) Subject: officer exemption Kelly T. Conlon (conlonkt@mcmail.CIS.McMaster.CA) asked: > Do state and local officials enjoy absolute immunity from the > Controlled Drugs and Substances Act? Under the federal Controlled Substances Act they are allowed to possess, transport, and distribute controlled substances as long as they are doing it pursuant to enforcement of some state or local law. (I know that in some circumstances they also undertake manufacture, so that permission must be included.) Not only gov't employees, but "officers" (designated, not necessarily employed, by gov't) are exempt. Med mj patients could be deputized for this purpose, to enforce disposal of the mj. > How else would LEOs be able to set up drug stings? No way. They'd be in jeopardy of federal prosecution otherwise. You may recall I was the one who brought this to the attention of DRCtalk. Recently in California a summit was held to discuss plans for med mj distribution, and someone who'd read my posts here injected that fact to the discussion. Lawyers there are seriously considering it. *** Fidonet: Robert Goodman 1:2625/141 Internet: Robert.Goodman@godi.adirondack.fidonet.org
------------------------------------------------------------------- Pair Face Court Date For Cannabis Club Work ('Orange County Register' Doesn't Say Whether Two San Diego County Men, Steven McWilliams And Dion Markgraaff, Associated With An Unnamed Medical Marijuana Dispensary, Will Be Tried Separately Or Together) Date: Thu, 4 Jun 1998 21:14:26 -0800 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA: Pair Face Court Date For Cannabis Club Work Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: John W.Black Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 Source: Orange County Register (Ca) Contact:(firstname.lastname@example.org) Website:(http://www.ocregister.com/) PAIR FACE COURT DATE FOR CANNABIS CLUB WORK Two San Diego County men were ordered Tuesday to face trial on felony drug charges in connection with a cannabis club they were operating, ostensibly to provide marijuana for medicinal purposes. Steven McWilliams, 43, and Dion Markgraaff, 28, face possible sentences of four years, eight months and eight years, respectively, on charges including transporting, cultivating and conspiring to distribute marijuana. McWilliams was arrested Jan. 12 at a Border Patrol checkpoint near Warner Springs in east San Diego County. Agent seized 11 potted marijuana plants in his van and another 450 growing plants at his home.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Alatorre Accused Of Using Drugs With City Contractor Officials ('Los Angeles Times' Says Los Angeles City Councilman Richard Alatorre Repeatedly Used Cocaine With A Friend And Convicted Narcotics Offender While Aggressively Helping Him Obtain Government Business, According To Allegations Contained In Court Documents And Supported By Interviews) Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 00:40:10 -0400 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA: Alatorre Accused Of Using Drugs With City Contractor Officials Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Newshawk: Jim Rosenfield Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Source: Los Angeles Times (CA) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.latimes.com/ Author: Robert J. Lopez, Rich Connell, Times Staff Writers ALATORRE ACCUSED OF USING DRUGS WITH CITY CONTRACTOR OFFICIALS Councilman allegedly steered government work toward businessman. Both have denied wrongdoing. Los Angeles City Councilman Richard Alatorre repeatedly used cocaine with a friend and convicted narcotics offender while aggressively helping him obtain government business, according to allegations contained in court documents and supported by interviews. Alatorre's ties to Julian G. Carrasco date back more than 20 years, when the waste hauler and demolition specialist pleaded guilty to possessing and intending to distribute heroin. More recently, the lives of the two men have been entwined in ways that have prompted questions of propriety by government officials and business associates involved in their dealings. Among other things, documents and interviews disclose that Alatorre wielded his influence in the early and mid-1990s to help Carrasco obtain government contracts, at least twice over the objections of civil servants who believed that public money was being jeopardized. This occurred at a time when the councilman was regularly showing up at Carrasco's office in Vernon, where the men allegedly shared cocaine on the contractor's glass desktop. In addition, the company's former controller says Carrasco directed him to write a $2,000 corporate check to the councilman but he balked, prompting his boss to instead withdraw cash from a personal account. The controller says he does not know where that money ended up. Alatorre, through a spokesperson on Tuesday, refused to comment on any aspect of his relationship with Carrasco. In the past, he has issued general denials of any misconduct in his personal or public life. Carrasco, for his part, flatly disputed the allegations, saying in an interview Tuesday that cocaine "has been out of my life for a long time" and that he has never used the drug "with anyone other than myself." He said he has no knowledge of whether Alatorre has used drugs. Carrasco said he and the councilman have been "longtime, loyal friends" but that he did not exploit the relationship for financial gain. He said each of his many government contracts was awarded on merit alone. Carrasco blamed unhappy former employees for the accusations leveled against him and Alatorre, a man he calls "a peoples' politician." "Everyone has employees that for whatever reasons . . . will say whatever comes to their minds," he said. The latest questions swirling around Alatorre come from disparate sources--ranging from records in unconnected court cases to interviews with disaffected former Carrasco employees and front-line public workers. Taken together, they also appear to bolster accounts by a woman who came forward earlier this year with similar allegations--Alatorre's former executive secretary. In recent court documents, she accused the councilman of abusing cocaine and showing up at City Hall with wads of $100 bills after meetings with supporters, up to the time she left in 1995. Linda M. Ward's sworn statement, lodged in a bitter custody case involving the Alatorres' niece, has been disparaged by the councilman as lies by a vindictive ex-girlfriend and disgruntled former employee. Alatorre has told reporters that the white powder she claims to have seen on his nostrils and clothes might have been dandruff, denture powder or Doritos. The councilman also has insisted that he has not abused any substance since undergoing treatment for alcoholism 10 years ago. Some of those new accusations have emerged in the custody battle, which has been transformed into an assault on Alatorre's parental fitness. The Superior Court action was brought by longtime political rival Henry Lozano, who is seeking custody of his 9-year-old daughter, now living with the Alatorres. Like Ward, Carrasco's former secretary alleged in a sworn statement filed in the custody case that the councilman abused drugs--an open secret, she said, among the firm's employees. "It was well known throughout the office staff that the councilman's visits were for cocaine," Beverly Vasquez-Bumgardner said. One of those in the know was the ex-foreman of Carrasco's now-defunct JCI Environmental Services. In a signed declaration provided to The Times, Donald Benefield said he witnessed Alatorre preparing or using cocaine with Carrasco about half a dozen times during a several-year period ending in 1995, when the business shut down. Benefield recalled one Saturday when Carrasco left his office door open. He said he saw Alatorre hunched over, inhaling one of several neatly aligned rows of white powder through a small tube. "He sniffed it up at the glass desk, right there," Benefield said in an interview. Last year, the relationship between the contractor and the councilman became part of an FBI investigation into whether Carrasco's JCI was improperly dumping hazardous waste. Three former JCI employees told The Times that federal agents asked them whether their boss was supplying drugs and money to Alatorre. Carrasco said he had no knowledge of the investigation, in which no charges have been filed. It is unclear what, if any, information gathered in that investigation is being cycled into a current federal corruption probe of Alatorre. Among other things, Alatorre, who also is a board member of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, is under investigation by the FBI and Internal Revenue Service for allegedly receiving cash from people with government business and for obtaining help in the purchase and remodeling of his Eagle Rock home--including the falsification of financial records and the financing of a $12,000 tile roof by a prominent government contractor. Long Relationship With Businessman Carrasco, 55, was an enterprising businessman who favored a lavish lifestyle. He wore a gold pinkie ring with a diamond in the middle and had a penchant for expensive cars. He also had a grand business vision: to join the ranks of Los Angeles' giant public works contractors. To boost his big-league image and highlight his Mexican heritage, Carrasco's JCI sponsored an award-winning float in the 1995 Rose Parade. The creation, featuring huge Aztec handball players, was promoted in a glossy company brochure picturing Carrasco with Alatorre. But even as he was striving for recognition, Carrasco's finances were unraveling. In the spring of 1995, JCI filed for bankruptcy protection, leaving employees unpaid and creditors in line. One of them: the builder of his heralded float. Carrasco said he is now a partner in a local manufacturing company and does various kinds of consulting work. Alatorre's relationship with Carrasco extends at least to the lawmaker's early years in the Assembly, in the mid-1970s. Carrasco has said Alatorre has written him letters of reference for public contracts, attesting "to my character." Their relationship also predates Carrasco's 1977 arrest for allegedly arranging the sale of a kilogram of heroin to a federal agent in the El Monte area, according to federal court records. Prosecutors alleged that he was part of a conspiracy to distribute heroin in Southern California. He pleaded guilty to a single count of possession with intent to distribute the drug, and was sentenced to two years in federal prison. After his release, Carrasco returned to the waste hauling and demolition business he had begun in the late 1960s. But he had not left his drug days behind, according to former employees. "Mr. Carrasco was not discreet about his use of cocaine in the office during my tenure," the businessman's former secretary, Vasquez-Bumgardner, said in court records. "He was clearly addicted, and his nose required reconstructive surgery on several occasions due to his overuse of cocaine." During this time, Vasquez-Bumgardner and other former JCI employees said, Alatorre's was a familiar face around the office, located in an industrial area beyond the councilman's Eastside district. He dropped by on workdays and on weekends, they said, staying anywhere from five minutes to an hour. Vasquez-Bumgardner also said her boss "bragged" about his relationship with the councilman--and the benefits that accrued to both of them. Carrasco openly implied that Alatorre helped him obtain government business because he supplied the lawmaker with drugs, she said in the custody case document. "Councilman Alatorre will do whatever I tell him, because he needs me," the secretary quoted Carrasco as saying--a statement Carrasco denies making. On "many occasions," Vasquez-Bumgardner said in her court statement, she could hear Alatorre and Carrasco snorting cocaine. She described a morning in 1994 when Alatorre walked out of Carrasco's office after a "snorting session" with cocaine "around his nostrils and all over his pants." "I said, 'Richard, you have powder on your pants!' He said, 'Thanks, Beverly,' and proceeded to wipe himself down." Standing nearby was the firm's foreman. "It looked like somebody had been eating a white doughnut," recalled Benefield who, like other employees, said he is angry with Carrasco for failing to pay him thousands of dollars in salary when the firm went under. The councilman's visits became more frequent in the couple of years before JCI's 1995 closure, Benefield said. "I'd just see them in there, getting their drugs together," he said. "It was a common thing between two buddies." Another former JCI employee, who requested anonymity, said it was hard to forget some of Alatorre's visits. One weekend morning in the summer of 1994, he said, the councilman arrived "stumbling, smelling like alcohol." After about an hour in Carrasco's office, the councilman emerged "completely re-energized." "You could see the powder in his nose," the worker said. Both Carrasco and Alatorre were questioned about their relationship and visits in depositions taken in 1994 during a sexual harassment suit filed by Carrasco's secretary, Vasquez-Bumgardner. Neither of the men, however, was asked about drugs. Carrasco testified that Alatorre would visit in "spurts"--sometimes up to three times a week--to discuss his political ambitions and ways they could improve the community. Alatorre, in his deposition, said he could not remember exactly why he paid calls to Carrasco or how often. "I visit a lot of people," he said. "I may have visited, stopped by and bullshit with the guy." Alatorre's visits, according to JCI's former controller, were often accompanied by another ritual: requests by Carrasco for money from the firm. Financial officer Andrew Lee told The Times that he was instructed by Carrasco in 1992 to write Alatorre a company check for approximately $2,000. As Alatorre waited in Carrasco's office, Lee said he told his boss it would be improper to put corporate funds in a politician's pocket. "He wouldn't give a reason what it was for," said Lee, now an accountant for the MTA. "He just said, 'I owe him some money.' " Lee said he was then told to prepare a check--payable to cash--from Carrasco's personal account. After doing so, Lee said, his involvement ended and he is uncertain where the money went. More often, Lee said, his boss would ask him to dip into the company's petty cash before or during Alatorre's visits, withdrawing between $100 and $200 each time. He said the two men would then sometimes leave in the councilman's car and return a short time later. Carrasco disputes Lee's account, saying he never provided the councilman with any money and never requested that cash be made available before or during his visits. "Of course not," he said. Connections to Contracts Whatever the attraction between the men, Alatorre repeatedly used his considerable political influence to help his friend obtain more than $2 million in local government contracts. The lawmaker acknowledged in his 1994 deposition that Carrasco often sought his advice and help. "He's had a lot of business problems," Alatorre said. One was at the city's Department of Water and Power. Carrasco's firm had won a 1993 bid to demolish an old DWP service center east of downtown for a fee of $443,000. But a conflict erupted: Warner Bros. wanted to blow up the building for a Sylvester Stallone film, "Demolition Man." Because the job requirements had changed, DWP staffers urged that Carrasco's contract be terminated and that the job be rebid after the movie makers had finished, when the exact nature of the work would be more clear. With that looming prospect, Alatorre personally intervened with then-DWP General Manager Daniel Waters, according to a source knowledgeable about the events. Soon after, Waters overruled his staff and allowed Carrasco's contract to proceed as negotiated, the source said, adding: "You know, Councilman Alatorre is pretty powerful. . . . [Waters] understood the reality of it." Waters acknowledged in an interview that he probably discussed the contract with Alatorre but said he could recall no specifics. He said that whatever actions he took were in the utility's best interest. Carrasco agrees. He credits Alatorre with helping to ensure that the lowest and best bid won the day. "He did the right thing," Carrasco said of the councilman. "I just told him what was going on. . . . All he did was relay the information that I told him." As it turned out, Carrasco would try to obtain even more money from the city after Warner Bros. had demolished some of the building--and before he had even started his own work. As DWP staffers had feared, the Carrasco contract had left an opening for confusion and bickering. Carrasco informed the department that he wanted an extra $154,000 because the work had been made more difficult by the studio's partial demolition of the structure--acontention the city disputed. Warner Bros., which had agreed to cover any additional costs incurred by the city, wrote the agency, warning that Carrasco was trying "to 'take' the DWP for all he can." Although still battling for more money, Carrasco began the job--one in which Alatorre seemed to take an extraordinary interest. The DWP manager overseeing Carrasco's work, Jeri Ardalan, said Alatorre's personal involvement was more than he had ever witnessed by a council member on a construction matter. "On a contract like that, when the general manager and Alatorre and everybody are involved, you feel the pressure," he said. Among other things, Alatorre showed up at the job site with Carrasco and convened a meeting with DWP executives and staff in his City Hall office to review lingering contract issues. In the midst of the payment disputes, Carrasco faxed a letter to the DWP general manager seeking a $139,000 payment. The cover sheet noted that it was sent "per Councilman Richard Alatorre." Given the problems Carrasco was generating, DWP officials again began debating whether to terminate Carrasco's agreement and rid themselves of a "troublesome and nonresponsive contractor," according to internal DWP records. But, as one DWP memo warned, doing so would mean "Alatorre and hence (General Manager) Waters will probably be upset." Instead, they decided to let the contract move forward, an action ensuring that "Alatorre and hence Waters is happy." Carrasco's demands for money did not end with the building's destruction. He sued the DWP for $350,000 beyond the amount of the original contract, alleging that the city had required him to perform extra work and had discriminated against him because of his Latino heritage. As city lawyers prepared for trial, questions about Carrasco's "erratic behavior" and possible drug use arose. The deputy city attorney handling the case prodded Carrasco's former partner to state "whether or not you thought [Carrasco] was using drugs or something." The ex-partner avoided a direct response, saying: "I don't want to be any part of that." The city's attorney declined to say what led him to pursue that line of inquiry. Eventually, the DWP settled, paying $40,000 to Carrasco's firm, which also received $80,000 from Warner Bros. During Alatorre's 1994 deposition in the sexual harassment suit, the councilman said he could remember helping Carrasco's firm only one time with the DWP. On that occasion, he said, he tried to expedite a payment the firm was owed. Asked whether he contacted the DWP management in that effort, Alatorre responded: "I'm sure I did, yeah. I don't know. I don't recall at this time." Dispute Over Transit Business Alatorre also provided Carrasco with help on another front--JCI's efforts to obtain a piece of the region's lucrative transit business, according to documents and interviews with key players. In late 1991, while the councilman sat on the board of the now-defunct Rapid Transit District, JCI was one of several firms seeking a $2-million contract to clean up hazardous waste. The problem was that RTD staff had rejected Carrasco's bid, partly because his price was too high and he had failed to provide required information. "He was validly shot down," said Frank Hanok, then the RTD's assistant director of procurement. A staff report recommending another firm was sent to the RTD board for approval. But at Alatorre's insistence, the board rejected the staff opinion, allowing Carrasco to file another bid--a move that Hanok said smacked of improper political tampering. "Alatorre killed it, sent it back and made sure it went to JCI," Hanok said of the contract. Carrasco, in his interview with The Times, said he could not remember anything about the matter. Carrasco himself has said that Alatorre, while preparing to become the MTA's first chairman, helped him navigate the bureaucracy on another transit contract. In late 1992, Carrasco had filed a formal protest after his firm was rejected for a multimillion-dollar waste hauling job, records show. Transit officials had ruled that JCI lacked management and technical expertise. So he again turned to Alatorre's office, according to testimony Carrasco gave in the 1994 harassment lawsuit filed against him by his secretary. Although the contractor's protest ultimately was denied, he testified that Alatorre used an aide to gather details on competitors' bids for Carrasco. Carrasco said in an interview Tuesday that he now has no recollection of the contract, but stressed that any information he may have received on his competitors was publicly available. The secret of his success, Carrasco said, was to perform admirably and come in with the lowest bids. "That's the only way I got any contracts." Times researcher Janet Lundblad contributed to this report. Copyright Los Angeles Times
------------------------------------------------------------------- Report - Councilman Used Cocaine With Friend ('Associated Press' Version In 'The Los Angeles Times') Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 01:06:37 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA: Report: Councilman Used Cocaine With Friend, Helped Him Get Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Newshawk: Patrick Henry Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Source: Los Angeles Times (CA) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.latimes.com/ REPORT: COUNCILMAN USED COCAINE WITH FRIEND, HELPED HIM GET LOS ANGELES (AP) -- City Councilman Richard Alatorre on Wednesday denied a newspaper report that he snorted cocaine in the office of a longtime friend he helped to obtain more than $2 million in government contracts. The allegations in Wednesday's Los Angeles Times editions are ``absolutely untrue,'' Alatorre said at a news conference. Alatorre, who has admitted to previous alcohol abuse, said he has been ``clean and sober for a decade.'' ``These constant attacks on me are outrageous and it's getting kind of old, especially when I've made no secret of my past,'' he said. His friend, Julian G. Carrasco, a one-time waste hauler and demolition expert, was sentenced to two years in prison after pleading guilty in 1977 to possessing and intending to distribute heroin. He and Alatorre have been friends for more than 20 years. In the mid-1990s, the councilman helped him obtain more than $2 million in government contracts, including deals with the Department of Water and Power, transit and other agencies, the Times said, citing various court documents and interviews. Alatorre has not been charged with any crime. But he has been questioned as part of an investigation into Carrasco's business dealings and a separate probe into his own financial dealings. Carrasco told the newspaper he and the councilman have been ``longtime, loyal friends'' but he did not use the relationship to gain business contracts. He also flatly disputed the allegations of drug use with Alatorre, saying cocaine ``has been out of my life for a long time'' and that he has always used the drug alone. However, employees of Carrasco's now-defunct JCI Environmental Services either witnessed Alatorre and Carrasco snorting cocaine on the glass desktop in Carrasco's office or saw Alatorre emerge from the office with a white powder on his face and clothes, the newspaper said. Accusations of drug use also are part of a custody dispute. Alatorre has been legal guardian of his wife's 9-year-old niece, whose mother died of cancer. The girl's father has been attempting to regain custody. In the custody case, former secretaries for Alatorre and Carrasco gave statements about the men's alleged cocaine use. ``He (Carrasco) was clearly addicted, and his nose required reconstructive surgery on several occasions due to his overuse of cocaine,'' his former secretary, Beverly Vasquez-Bumgardner, said in court records. Vasquez-Bumgardner also said her boss implied that Alatorre helped him obtain government business because he supplied the lawmaker with drugs. ``Councilman Alatorre will do whatever I tell him, because he needs me,'' the secretary quoted Carrasco as saying. Carrasco has denied making that statement. In a signed declaration provided to the Times, former JCI employee Donald Benefield said he witnessed Alatorre preparing or using cocaine with Carrasco about half a dozen times over several years. Last year, the relationship between the contractor and the councilman became part of an FBI investigation into whether Carrasco's JCI was improperly dumping hazardous waste. Alatorre is under investigation by the FBI and Internal Revenue Service for allegedly having financial dealings with people who have government contracts, including receiving cash and obtaining help in purchasing and remodeling his home.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Minor Revolution In Orange County, California (List Subscriber Says Superior Court Judge Tony Rackauckas's Successful Campaign For District Attorney Sends A Message That Voters Do Not Want Vigorous Enforcement Of The State's Three Strikes Law) Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 13:04:51 EDT Errors-To: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Originator: email@example.com Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org From: "Douglas W. Kieso" (email@example.com) To: Multiple recipients of list (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: Minor revolution in Orange County, CA Rackauckas win as District Attorney in Orange County, CA sends message that voters do not want vigorous enforcement of the 3-Strikes law! In conservative Orange County a minor revolution took place that should open the eyes of politicians who think that promising longer prison terms is the only way to win an election. Superior Court Judge Tony Rackauckas declared victory the night of June 2nd in his campaign against Assistant District Attorney Wally Wade for the job being vacated by Mike Capizzi (Rackaukas had 62% of the vote to Wade's 38%). During the election campaign, Judge Rackauckas openly said he was going to change how Orange County was going to enforce the 3-Strikes law. Rackauckas often was very critical of how Michael Capizzi, the current O.C. District Attorney, was overzealous in his pursuit of maximum sentences--costing deputy district attorneys credibility in court. Wally Wade, on the other hand, stood behind Capizzi and said if he were District Attorney he would vigorously enforce the 3-Strikes law as Capizzi had done. In addition, Wade had continuously criticized Rackauckas for have used his judge's discretion a number of times to reduce felonies to misdemeanors which resulted in significantly lesser sentences for the defendants. What was also interesting about this DA race was the pre-election non-support given by the Assistant and Deputy District Attorneys who endorsed Rackaukas over one of their own (Wade) by a vote of 114 to 26. Apparently they did not like being forced into the court room advocating unjust sentences. "We're going to see some major changes in the DA's office," Rackaukas said. The Sheriff's race in Orange County also indicated the voter's desire for change. Mike Carona, who preached for greater prevention and rehabilitation as a way to reduce crime, appeared to be the winner over the more punishment-orientated Paul Walters. This race was closer than the DA race, however, as Carona had only 53% of the vote to Walter's 47%. Let's hope the politicians get the message.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Real Choice On Issues In Attorney General Race ('The San Francisco Examiner' Notes Republican Nominee Dave Stirling, Who Fought Against Proposition 215 But Opposes Suing The Tobacco Industry Over Smoking Costs, Is Running Against Democratic Nominee Bill Lockyer, Who Supports Medical Marijuana, For The Seat Being Vacated By Dan Lungren) Date: Thu, 4 Jun 1998 21:16:28 -0800 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA: Real Choice On Issues In Attorney General Race Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com (Frank S. World) Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Source: San Francisco Examiner Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.examiner.com Author: Vicki Haddock Of The Examiner Staff REAL CHOICE ON ISSUES IN ATTORNEY GENERAL RACE Sharp differences on gun control, abortion, tobacco, marijuana divide Stirling, Lockyer The fall contest for state attorney general -- California's top lawyer -- will be a showdown between two politicos with dramatic differences on gun control, medical marijuana, abortion, tobacco liability and even the essence of the job itself. Republican nominee Dave Stirling of Walnut Grove, whose biggest claim to fame is that of lightning-rod deputy to outgoing Attorney General Dan Lungren, has been a private lawyer, legislator and judge. Popular with party activists but not with California prosecutors, Stirling plans to seize the job's bully pulpit to extol "family values." Democratic nominee Bill Lockyer of Hayward, forced out by term limits as president of the state Senate, is a night-school graduate of the McGeorge Law School who has never tried a jury case. Nonetheless, he is regarded as one of the Capitol's most seasoned and savvy legislators, crafting detailed bills to overhaul the criminal and civil justice systems. Lockyer vows to fortify the role of the attorney general's office in consumer and environmental protection. Both candidates favor the death penalty and talk tough on violent crime. Although the attorney general has been dubbed the state's "top cop," county district attorneys actually handle most criminal cases. The attorney general's office picks up criminal appeals, including death penalty cases, offers investigative backup to police, acts as the lawyer for state agencies and decides which cases of corporate misbehavior, civil rights violations and environmental damage it will tackle on behalf of California residents. The office has an annual budget of $400 million and employs nearly 5,000 people. It also has a legacy of luring politicians with yet loftier ambitions. Earl Warren, Pat Brown and George Deukmejian were former state attorneys general who stepped up to become governor -- a feat Lungren hopes to duplicate. Impressive Candidate Pool The attorney general's race attracted perhaps the most impressive array of candidates for any state constitutional office. The man who lost Tuesday's GOP primary to Stirling, Orange County District Attorney Michael Capizzi, is a tough career prosecutor who was endorsed by 51 of California's 58 county district attorneys. On the Democratic side, Lockyer's opponents included fellow state Sen. Charles Calderon, who followed him as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, and Lynn Schenk, a former congresswoman, deputy state attorney general and private counsel. Both men defeated their nearest challengers by about a 2-1 margin. Three of the state's four attorneys general elected since 1970 have been Republicans, but Lockyer is an adroit fund-raiser expected to outspend Stirling. Much of his money comes from traditional Democratic sources: trial lawyers and labor unions. Stirling's major financial backers are American Indian tribes operating casinos in California without government approval. Minimalist View Of Job Stirling's view of the job has been described as minimalist. He opposed suing the tobacco industry over smoking costs, arguing that individuals should be responsible for their own decisions to smoke. He also opposed pursuing a false advertising case involving the size of computer screens, suggesting that local district attorneys dispose of the case without a monetary settlement (they obtained one anyway). And when a state appeals court affirmed the conviction of a man who possessed an assault weapon, Stirling -- an opponent of gun control -- asked the state Supreme Court to rule that the specific gun involved was not technically covered by the ban. Stirling favors restricting abortions after the first 45 days of pregnancy and fought against Proposition 215, the initiative legalizing marijuana for medicinal purposes. Lockyer opposes any abortion restrictions, supports medicinal marijuana and has repeatedly voted for stronger gun control laws. Over the years, Lockyer has taken heat for casting votes favoring industries that contributed to his campaigns, including $184,000 from the tobacco industry. One of Lockyer's legendary last-minute compromises exempted cigarette companies from some lawsuits over smoking-related illnesses -- an exemption the Legislature later repealed. But as anti-smoking sentiment mounted, Lockyer reversed himself on tobacco issues and last year blocked legislation that would have allowed smokers to keep lighting up in California bars. 1998 San Francisco Examiner
------------------------------------------------------------------- It's None Of Your Business ('San Francisco Chronicle' Columnist Jon Carroll Says The Government And Major Corporations Want To Change People's Views On Privacy - If You're One Of Us You Have 'Nothing To Hide' - The Message We Get From Television Cop Shows Is That People Who Insist On Their Rights Are Scum - They Are Always Guilty - People Who Ask For Lawyers Are Only Interested In Thwarting Justice) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:04:22 -0400 To: DrugSense News Service
From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: Column: It's None Of Your Business Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org (Frank S. World) Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/ Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Columnist: Jon Carroll IT'S NONE OF YOUR BUSINESS THERE IS A new device for American citizens who cross the U.S.-Mexican border frequently. The device reads palm prints and displays relevant information, including photo, on a video screen. Instant ID. No annoying fumbling for documents. Traffic back-ups minimized -- if you're in the database. If you're One Of Us. A man using the device was asked whether he minded the government having all that information on file. ``Heck, no,'' he said. ``I have nothing to hide.'' We used to believe that the desire for privacy was a normal thing. We used to believe that it did not have to be explained or justified. We used to believe that sensible people, living their lives every day, had a default right to be left the hell alone. Now that has changed. We now believe that only criminals desire a default right to privacy. We now believe that people who want to be left alone have ``something to hide.'' We now believe that having ``something to hide'' is a bad thing. It is an odd view of human behavior. It ignores certain well-known facts. Almost all of us have something to hide. Humans are prone to error; guilt and shame are universal emotions. We are uninterested in having our errors exposed to the light of public scrutiny. There's always been that tension in a democracy. There are times when shameful behavior should be publicized. If you take a bribe to cut corners on that bridge you're building, your malfeasance should be exposed. If you sell government secrets, or murder children, or defraud stockholders, you must stand in public and be judged. But suppose you have a secret that is embarrassing but not criminal. Something medical, for instance. Or suppose you did something criminal once but then paid your debt to society. Who has a right to know that? Is hiding something always bad? Are secrets always threatening? The right to privacy includes the right to have secrets. Secrets are normal. In a free society, we get to have secrets. Increasingly, there is a concerted propaganda effort to suggest that only villains want to have secrets, that only bad guys need privacy. THE GOVERNMENT HAS an interest in changing people's views on privacy. Major corporations have a similar interest. They want information about us. They want to keep track of us. They want to know where we are, and what we need, and how much money we have. It's part of the bargain we made. Conservatives tried to warn us, but we failed to listen. We failed to listen because raillery against big government was often tied to racial bigotry or rapacious business practices. So we got equal opportunity laws and anti-trust laws. We got social programs that issued checks to many citizens. But in order to ensure equal opportunity; in order to monitor commerce; in order to issue checks, a database was needed. The database proved to be enormously useful. Political parties, law enforcement agencies and corporations quickly understood the utility of databases. But you can't have complete databases if people are fretful about privacy. CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS ARE the enemy of efficient government. Look at the message we are given in the television cop shows. People who insist on their rights are scum. They are always guilty. People who ask for lawyers are only interested in thwarting justice. In the context of modern law enforcement, the Fifth Amendment is inexplicable. The idea that someone cannot be forced to testify against themselves is a weird remnant of a previous civilization. Only in the narrowest sense, only in the final stage of the criminal justice system, are you innocent until proven guilty. Mostly you are presumed guilty, which is why you have no right of privacy. Innocent people have ``nothing to hide.'' If you insist on hiding something, you are guilty. More tomorrow. I'm not a coward, I've just never been tested; I'd like to think that if I was I'd pass, just like firstname.lastname@example.org If you're so innocent, why are you wearing clothing and speaking French? Copyright 1998 San Francisco Chronicle
------------------------------------------------------------------- Saturday Demonstration At Orange County Federal Building In Santa Ana, California, Commemorates Casualties From The War On Some Drug Users (Orange County Hemp Council Says The 'Funeral' For Loved Ones Lost To The Drug War Will Feature Many Groups And Speakers, Including Todd McCormick, Cliff Schaffer, Representatives From Families Amending California Three Strikes And The Cannabis Freedom Fund) Subject: DPFCA: Fwd: press release Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: DrugSense http://www.drugsense.org/dpfca/ Please come and make a stand against the WAR ON US ! She Who Remembers email@example.com www.remembers.com From: "Dale Schneider" (firstname.lastname@example.org) To: (email@example.com) Subject: press release Date: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 14:37:25 -0700 -FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE- A funeral is a gathering of tears and remembrance for loved ones lost. This Saturday June 6 a special type of funeral will be held for those lost to prison because of America's war on drugs. Local activists along with, The Orange County Hemp Council (OCHC), Families Amending California's Three Strikes (FACTS), and the Cannabis Freedom Fund (CFF), are planning a day of education/remembrance in conjunction with a worldwide protest against the war on drugs. Groups from a variety of causes are already confirmed to speak including; Richard Boddie, Kubby for Governor, Doug Kieso, Families Amending California Three Strikes (FACTS) Brother Evans, FACTS, Anna Boyce, Proposition 215 proponent, George Reis, Reis for Councilman, Todd McCormick, medical cannabis patient, Cliff Schaffer, co-author Hoover resolution and surviving family members of Three-Strike convictions. Their voices will put a human face on the casualties caused by America's longest war and invite the audience to view a pictorial record of the victims. On a mock prison wall, portraits of pain, the names, faces and stories of the victims, will be displayed for the public to see. Members from FACTS will on hand, to discuss and display the carnage visited upon their lives by a cruel law. Some photos are so disturbing it's hard not to get emotionally involved. Like Three-Strikes wife and FACTS member Christy Johnston and her portrait of pain, a snapshot of the heart wrenching moment of final separation. It is this pain that makes are groups come together across the globe and we invite all those who share this pain to attend this Saturday. The event is scheduled to begin at 12:00 and is located at the Orange County Federal Building in Santa Ana, CA. At the intersection of Santa Ana Blvd and Flower St, parking is on Parton. For more information call OCHC at 714-301-9798. Sincerely David Myers
------------------------------------------------------------------- Border Agent Slain During Arrest ('Associated Press' Says A US Customs Border Patrol Agent In Arizona Was Shot To Death Early Wednesday While Trying To Arrest Five Suspected Marijuana Smugglers, Who Then Escaped From The Agent's Partner) Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 02:19:19 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US AZ: Wire: Border Agent Slain During Arrest Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Source: Associated Press BORDER AGENT SLAIN DURING ARREST TUCSON, Ariz. (AP) -- A Border Patrol agent was shot to death early Wednesday while trying to arrest five suspected marijuana smugglers, who then escaped from the agent's partner. FBI agents scoured the rugged hills northwest of Nogales, about two miles north of the border, after the 1 a.m. shooting. Alexander Kirpnick, 27, was shot in the head after he and his partner had stopped the suspects and Kirpnick had ordered two to sit. His partner, who was not identified, heard a shot and found Kirpnick on the ground, said Border Patrol spokesman Rob Daniels. As the partner, who was not injured, called for assistance, the suspects fled. Law enforcement agencies on both sides of the border, including two dog-tracking teams, began searching for them. Bundles of marijuana were recovered at the scene, Daniels said. Kirpnick was flown to a hospital in Tucson where he was pronounced dead. Kirpnick and his partner had waited for the suspected smugglers, who were carrying backpacks, for about an hour after a ground sensor detected an illegal border entry. Nogales is 60 miles south of Tucson. ``It's rough terrain, obviously very difficult to travel, especially at night and carrying a load,'' Santa Cruz County Sheriff Tony Estrada said. Estrada, whose office was assisting in the search for the suspects, said there was a strong possibility the smugglers had fled back into Mexico. Kirpnick had emigrated from Russia a decade ago and joined the Border Patrol in 1996. ``It's just a major loss for us,'' Daniels said.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Let's Federalize All Crimes, And Get Rid Of States (Letter To The Editor Of 'The Daily Arizona Star' By An Inmate At A Nearby Federal Prison Examines The Rationale For Making Virtually Any Crime A Federal Offense) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 21:44:37 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US AZ: OPED: Let's Federalize All Crimes, And Get Rid Of States Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org (Frank S. World) Source: Daily Arizona Star Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.azstarnet.com/ Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Author: David A. Nichols Note: David Nichols is a prisoner at the Federal Correctional Institution on South Wilmot Road. LET'S FEDERALIZE ALL CRIMES, AND GET RID OF STATES In its prosecution of the so-called ``war on drugs,'' the federal government has taken over powers usually reserved to state and local governments. For instance, if a person grows, harvests and sells marijuana all within the borders of a single state, one would assume the federal government has no jurisdiction. However, think again: Congress, in its infinite wisdom, decided long ago that the ``local distribution and possession of controlled substances contribute to swelling the interstate traffic in such substances.'' The courts, including the Supreme Court, of course acquiesced to Congress. After all, this is a holy war on drugs. In fact, the Supreme Court has held for several decades now that behavior consummated totally within a state, but that has an ``effect'' on interstate commerce, can be regulated by the federal government. That is how all firearms are federally regulated. They are made in one state and shipped to another. You buy it; you come under federal regulations. Similarly, the federal carjacking law is based on the premise that because an automobile is manufactured in one state and sold in another, it can be regulated by the feds. So, if some young punk forces you from your car and steals it, he has now committed a federal crime without having to cross a state line. I guess this is all well and good. The American public is not complaining much about the widening sphere of federalism. Indeed, building on the premises for these laws, we can now make drunk driving a federal crime. Here's how it would work: The federal government would have jurisdiction because the drunk would be driving an automobile that was shipped via interstate commerce on roads that were paid for (at least in part) with federal funds while under the influence of alcohol that was probably shipped interstate. There are probably more reasons why drunk driving, as well as the drunk himself, could be regulated directly by federal law - but why bother? It is clear that under the present drift any crime could be made federal now. Say, for instance, parking tickets - or shoplifting. I say it's about time, then. Let's get rid of states and make them all federal districts. Then we could have one central government controlling everything from Washington, D.C. It's the next logical step in the evolution of our nation.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Panel Ponders Approach To `War On Drugs' ('The Salt Lake Tribune' Says Two Of Utah's Top Prosecutors, David Schwendiman And Jerome Mooney, A Federal Judge, Bruce Jenkins, And Attorneys Neal Gunnarson, Mary Corporon And Robert Archuleta Agreed Tuesday Evening That It May Be Time To Temper The War On Some Drug Users, During A Panel Discussion At St. Mark's Cathedral In Salt Lake City Titled, 'Voices From The Front Lines - Should We End The War On Drugs?') Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:18:23 -0400 To: DrugSense News Service
From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US UT: Panel Ponders Approach To `War On Drugs' Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Newshawk: email@example.com (Frank S. World) Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Source: The Salt Lake Tribune Author: Patty Henetz, The Salt Lake Tribune Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.sltrib.com/ PANEL PONDERS APPROACH TO `WAR ON DRUGS' Two of Utah's top prosecutors, a federal judge and three attorneys agree that it may be time to temper the so-called ``war on drugs.'' At the very least, the courts and politicians should rethink their martial stance. ``It is the wrong metaphor,'' said U.S. Attorney David Schwendiman during a Tuesday evening panel. ``When you conduct a war, you kill your enemy.'' And in war, collateral damage is acceptable, added attorney Jerome Mooney, an opponent of the federal system of minimum-mandatory sentencing. ``In certain cities, we have gone into certain neighborhoods and basically declared them war zones,'' he said, which has led to counterproductive racial and class-based stigmatization. U.S. District Judge Bruce Jenkins moderated the discussion, held at St. Mark's Cathedral in Salt Lake City and titled, ``Voices From the Front Lines: Should We End the War on Drugs?'' The panel, whose other members were Salt Lake County District Attorney Neal Gunnarson and attorneys Mary Corporon and Robert Archuleta, was one of four scheduled throughout the summer as community discussions on the ethical issues surrounding federal drug policies. It is a discussion that has engaged White House drug czar Gen. Barry McCaffrey, who was in Salt Lake City on Monday to announce a $600,000 grant to suppress methamphetamine production in Utah. While that grant is expected to go largely to interdiction, McCaffrey repeatedly has said he, too, has tired of the notion of making war on drugs. ``Wars are expected to end,'' he said in a 1997 policy statement. ``Addressing drug abuse is a continuing challenge.'' During the panel discussion, Corporon said while there are evils and damage associated with addiction, ``the question is whether we ought to shift that battle to an arena in which we can win'' -- specifically, education and treatment. ``Ever since we criminalized [drugs], our crime rate has increased. Drug use has continued to increase,'' she said. Spending more on law enforcement and upping the sentencing ante has reduced neither drug use nor drug-related crimes. The war on drugs was the brainchild of President Ronald Reagan, who started it in 1982 as an anti-marijuana initiative. Studies have shown that teen marijuana use has doubled since 1992. At the same time, the number of people arrested for marijuana use has grown more than 40 percent. In 1980, there were twice as many violent offenders in federal prisons as drug offenders; that statistic has since flipped. More people are now in prison for marijuana convictions than for manslaughter or rape. The 1997 federal budget for anti-drug programs was $15.3 billion. Two-thirds of that went to interdiction. There are now 1.3 million people in federal and state prisons in America, which has the highest incarceration rate in the world. And sentences are disproportionate. A recent television report cited the case of a man sentenced to 93 years in prison for growing marijuana on his farm; in the same prison, another inmate served five years for murder. Such inequities are ``a political choice,'' Schwendiman said, made by politicians who wish to appear tough on crime. Gunnarson, who drew a distinction between marijuana and harder drugs, noted that elected officials find softer approaches entail political risk. When he set up Salt Lake County's federally funded drug court, ``I was afraid that I would be perceived as a social worker, not tough on crime.'' Now, though, he is being asked to expand the program, which allows certain drug offenders to plead guilty and then enter a two-year treatment program.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Ex-Chief Pleads No Contest To Drug Count ('The Tulsa World' Says Former Collinsville, Oklahoma, Police Chief Don Abel Pleaded No Contest Tuesday To A Charge Of Distributing A Controlled Substance, Ephedrine, To A Former Dispatcher - Don Able's Defense Attorney Expects Able To Receive A Deferred Sentence) Date: Fri, 5 Jun 1998 09:24:21 -0700 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US OK: Ex-Chief Pleads No Contest to Drug Count Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Michael Pearson
Source: Tulsa World (OK) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.tulsaworld.com Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 Author: Bill Braun EX-CHIEF PLEADS NO CONTEST TO DRUG COUNT Sentencing for Don Able, who is the former chief of police in Collinsville, is scheduled for July 17. Former Collinsville Police Chief Don Abel pleaded no contest Tuesday to a charge of distributing a controlled drug to a former dispatcher two years ago. Sentencing for Abel, 58, is set for July 17. Tulsa District Judge Ned Turnbull made no finding of guilt. He ordered Abel, who remains free on bail, to perform 80 hours of community service and directed the Department of Corrections to conduct a background report. Assistant District Attorney Larry Edwards will recommend a two-year sentence. Defense attorney Everett Bennett said he expects Abel to receive a deferred sentence, in which the case would be dismissed with no conviction if Abel followed the requirements of a two-year probation. Abel was charged in August 1996 with delivering ephedrine to Cherry Fifer, a Collinsville dispatcher from 1989 until 1992. Abel -- then police chief of Collinsville -- was arrested June 26, 1996, at the Saratoga Motor Hotel, 10117 E. 11th St. At a preliminary hearing, Fifer said Abel appeared "in full uniform" for a rendezvous at the Tulsa motel. She testified that on several occasions Abel had mentioned the idea of exchanging drugs for sex. Fifer said Abel handed her two small plastic bags before FBI agents entered the room and arrested him. No sexual activity occurred, she said. Bennett maintained Tuesday that Abel went to the motel for "strictly law enforcement" purposes. Abel did not go there to have a sexual encounter and did "not intend to deliver a controlled substance," Bennett said. Abel was suspended from duty by the Collinsville City Commission in July 1996 before being fired as police chief three months later. Turnbull previously denied a motion to dismiss the charge, based on Bennett's contention that ephedrine is "commonly sold over the counter" for legitimate use. At a 1996 preliminary hearing, a police chemist indicated that the ephedrine detected in powdery contents tested in this case was not in the tablet or dosage form associated with an over-the-counter drug. Ephedrine was originally approved as an asthma fighter and has been marketed as producing euphoria, increased sexual awareness and enhanced athletic performance.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Bombshell - Police Spy Fuels Charges Against Chief Coulbourn Dykes ('The Daily Times' In Salisbury Maryland, Says The Salisbury Mayor's Effort To Oust His Police Chief Is Motivated By Allegations From Another Cop Assigned To Spy On An Undercover Drug Operation That The Police Chief Mismanaged Funds Derived From Selling Cars Seized During Undercover Drug Operations) Date: Fri, 05 Jun 1998 00:13:36 -0500 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US MD: Bombshell - Police Spy Fuels Charges Against Chief Coulbourn Dykes Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Rob Ryan Source: Daily Times (Salisbury MD) Pubdate: June 3rd, 1998 Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Author: Bryn Mickle US MD: BOMBSHELL - POLICE SPY FUELS CHARGES AGAINST CHIEF COULBOURN DYKES SALISBURY -- Reports by a former Salisbury police lieutenant assigned to spy on an undercover drug operation are fueling Mayor Barrie Parsons Tilghman's effort to oust Coulbourn Dykes from his post as city police chief. A 2-inch thick black briefing binder Tilghman gave to City Council members May 22 documents Shelley A. McKinney's allegations Dykes mismanaged funds derived from the sales of cars seized during undercover drug operations. Dykes was placed on unpaid administrative leave Monday, pending a hearing on Tilghman's charges Dykes is guilty of neglect of duty, inefficiency and disreputable conduct. Tilghman has also requested the council reinstate McKinney to her position on the police force. Tilghman further stated in a May 22 memo that she believed former City Council President Carolyn Hall did not share with council McKinney's April 27 resignation letter that outlined McKinney's allegations of misconduct by Dykes. McKinney alleges she was ordered to spy on members of the Wicomico County Narcotics Task Force during an internal audit of Salisbury's disposal of seized vehicles. As part of the 11 year-old undercover drug team, Salisbury police were responsible for disposing of vehicles and putting the proceeds back into the WINTF budget. In the binder given to the council last month, Tilghman outlined numerous charges against Dykes and Steve Hitch, the man hired by WINTF to sell the cars. Among the charges leveled by McKinney: -- An $8,000 1988 Ford Tempo was sold to local NAACP chapter chairman Warren White for $160 and Dykes falsified a bill of sale to allow White to have the car titled in his name. -- Dykes never recorded a purchase price for 36 cars handled by the task force, including a $10,000 1988 Mercedes. -- Hitch traded two cars in exchange for getting the carpets in his home and insurance agency cleaned. -- A $15,000 1988 Harley Davidson was sold for $3,500 to William P. Hearne Jr. in 1994. McKinney alleges Hearne also gave Hitch a $5,000 donation on the same day and that Hitch ignored a $10,000 offer from a police officer for the bike. -- A $550 check for a 1989 Dodge Shadow and $2,100 for four other vehicles never made it into the WINTF account. Instead, McKinney alleged, the money was deposited into an account for a fictitious business named ``Salisbury Practical Shooting Supplies.'' McKinney claims Salisbury police Maj. Jeff Livingston ordered her to spy on the task force in September 1997, because Dykes was concerned WINTF members were not working and the group's record keeping was ``extremely flawed.'' McKinney said she discovered no problems with the performance of the task force, but found the proceeds from the vehicles being sold were not being deposited in the WINTF account. McKinney's 14-page memo said she informed WINTF spokesman Wicomico County Sheriff R. Hunter Nelms of her findings and was told by Nelms he thought it was a matter of poor paperwork and documentation. McKinney, however, said she felt the problems went deeper than bad bookkeeping. The documents allege McKinney ran into several roadblocks with Salisbury police officials, including now-interim Police Chief Col. Ed Guthrie, Livingston and Dykes. Claiming Hitch lied to her about the sale of the 1988 Mercedes, McKinney declined Nelms' request to be on a second WINTF audit team Nov. 19, 1997, and said she was ``tired of being in the middle of Chief Dykes and his friends.'' McKinney added she felt ``extremely intimidated'' by Dykes and ``feared reprisals from him.'' McKinney resigned from the police department following an April 24, 1998, episode in which she alleges Guthrie and Livingston told her that her husband, Salisbury Police Lt. Charles McKinney, was being accused of conducting an investigation regarding the task force. Shelley McKinney said the administration then ordered her transferred to a shift opposite her husband's, creating a severe hardship for her and her family. In Tilghman's memo to council members, the mayor said her review of Shelley McKinney's records led her to believe it is inconceivable the irregularities and improprieties occurred without Dykes' knowledge. ``The conclusion seems inescapable Chief Dykes handled these matters either corruptly or incompetently,'' Tilghman stated.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Police Spy Fuels Flames Surrounding The Suspension Of Chief Coulbourn Dykes (A Lengthier Account In The Salisbury, Maryland, 'Daily Times' By Salisbury's New Mayor, Barrie Parsons Tilghman) Date: Sun, 14 Jun 1998 16:16:55 -0400 To: DrugSense News Service
From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US MD: Police Spy Fuels Flames Surrounding The Suspension Of Chief Coulbourn Dykes Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Rob Ryan Pubdate: 3 June 1008 Source: Daily Times, The (MD) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Author: Bryn Mickle Author: Mayor Barrie Parsons Tilghman POLICE SPY FUELS FLAMES SURROUNDING THE SUSPENSION OF CHIEF COULBOURN DYKES Shortly after my election, I became aware the city had withdrawn from the Wicomico County Narcotics Task Force (WINTF). To my knowledge, the city's withdrawal had gone unreported in the press, and I therefore sought written confirmation, which I soon obtained, in the form of letters from Chief Coulbourn Dykes (April 3) and City Solicitor Robert Eaton (April 15). Since WINTF has been widely praised as the second-most-effective operation of its sort in Maryland, I was surprised and distressed to learn of the city's sudden withdrawal. As I investigated, I became greatly concerned the city's exit from WINTF was designed to prevent the detection of mismanagement of public property by the city and its agents. The city entered into WINTF by written agreement dated Sept. 17, 1987. The members of the Task Force were the city of Salisbury, the Wicomico County Sheriff's Department, the State's Attorney for Wicomico County and Maryland State Police; the towns of Fruitland and Delmar joined the Task Force as "associate" members. The formation of WINTF came about in response to the need for cooperative efforts to halt drug-related crime in the Salisbury metropolitan area. As WINTF got under way, its funding increasingly depended on confiscated cash and the sale of property, principally vehicles, seized from drug dealers. As explained on page seven of the agreement, this property was to be sold, the proceeds paid over to the Task Force and a careful record of the transaction made, including the approximate value of the property and "final disposition or distribution." Within a year, the responsibility for selling WINTF vehicles, collecting the proceeds for WINTF, and accounting for the transactions, had been undertaken by Chief Dykes. Chief Dykes, in turn, entrusted these matters to Stephen Hitch, a local insurance agent. Although no written agreement was entered into, Mr. Hitch was authorized by the Chief to sell the vehicles belonging to WINTF (and in some cases, to the City of Salisbury) and remit the proceeds; Mr. Hitch was to handle these matters gratuitously, as a public service. The Task Force's activities have been managed by an advisory board on which each participating agency maintains a representative. In 1996, members of the Task Force advisory board began questioning what was happening to seized vehicles and the proceeds from their sale. As these questions became increasingly insistent, an audit team comprised of deputy state's attorney Sam Vincent, Lt. Doris Schonbrunner of the Sheriff's Department and City Police Lt. Shelley McKinney was established. (Lt. McKinney relates her initial SPD assignment was to "spy" on other Task Force members.) After Lt. McKinney had become outspoken in her criticism of Mr. Hitch's transactions, Chief Dykes removed her from the audit team and replaced her with Major Jeff Livingston. (Simultaneously, Chief Dykes relieved Lt. McKinney of her duties as lieutenant in the criminal investigation division and assigned her duties involving less responsibility, though at the same rate of pay and with no demotion in rank.) In March of this year, the WINTF audit team, by then comprised of Chief Deputy Kirk Daugherty, Lt. Schonbrunner, MSP Sgt. Ron Petty, Major Livingston and MSP Lt. Mike Spalding, submitted a report reaching the following conclusion: "It is apparent that there were many improprieties that occurred over the years concerning the selling of forfeited vehicles ... (I)t is quite evident that there are no standard operating procedures in place concerning selling and tracking of forfeited vehicles. During the investigation no consistent rules, guidelines or procedures were located about tracking the vehicles. It is apparent that once the vehicles left the Task Force compound, there was no follow-up as to what happened to the vehicles." At about the same time, (March of this year), Chief Dykes issued an amended internal directive instructing city police officers to refrain from contact or communication with the mayor and members of the City Council. The directive also admonished: "The Mayor and members of the City Council have no obligation to follow the chain of command, Mayor to the Chief, before meeting with any employee of this agency to discuss department policy and/or procedures. If any such meeting is initiated, the employee will promptly notify the Chief who will re-establish the chain of command." On April 27, Lt. McKinney resigned. Since Lt. McKinney is no longer employed by the City Police Department, she apparently felt at liberty to communicate directly with elected officials. That same day, she delivered to then-Council President Carolyn Hall a memo addressed to "The Honorable members of the Salisbury City Council." I am under the impression Ms. Hall may not have distributed copies. As you will see when you review Lt. McKinney's memo, it summarizes the findings of her investigation of the WINTF vehicle account and her conclusion "it was more than a poor paper work problem" (page four). I obtained a copy of Lt. McKinney's memo last week, and, after discussing it with Lt. McKinney (and obtaining a copy of her investigation notes), became distressed about the situation generally and in particular her contention Chief Dykes had ordered WINTF information deleted from Salisbury Police Department computers (pages 10-14). I have since obtained a copy of the report produced by the audit team, and am convinced it, viewed in connection with the other information at our disposal, confirms gross mismanagement of Task Force property occurred while that property was entrusted to Chief Dykes. Chief Dykes, as the city's representative on the Task Force, was charged with selling vehicles seized by the Task Force and keeping accurate sales records. However, the vehicles and monies derived from their sale were mismanaged, and the supporting documentation was at best inadequate and at worst misleading. Mr. Hitch, the person to whom Chief Dykes had entrusted these matters, apparently sold the vehicles to associates and acquaintances for inadequate consideration, exchanged them for personal services and filmed them in commercials made for his personal business. Assuming, for present purposes, Chief Dykes knew nothing of this, the situation is nonetheless one in which the chief established a personal friend in a position of trust, consigned public property to his care, maintained little or no oversight, and then reacted angrily and obstructively when attempts were made to remedy the problems. This situation is particularly distressing when one considers WINTF was engaged in extremely hazardous law enforcement activities and was at least partially dependent for its funding on the monies derived from the sales mismanaged by Mr. Hitch. To make matters still worse, Chief Dykes and Mr. Eaton have now effectively brought about the city's exit from the Task Force under circumstances strongly suggesting the underlying motive was to escape detection. (I am reliably informed Chief Dykes' explanation to other Task Force members was he did "not want the Attorney General's office coming down now.") Of the approximately 180 vehicles seized by the Task Force and entrusted to Chief Dykes for resale, 36 were identified by the audit team as involving irregularities. For these 36, the records maintained by Chief Dykes were substantially incomplete, and for many vehicles no purchase price was recorded. Two of the vehicles were apparently swapped by Mr. Hitch in exchange for getting the carpets in his home and insurance office cleaned. Additionally, several vehicles were used by Mr. Hitch to stage accidents that were filmed (apparently together with a marked city police car and perhaps also a uniformed police woman) for TV commercials soliciting business for Mr. Hitch's insurance agency. A number of the sales made by Mr. Hitch, purportedly on behalf of the Task Force, resulted in checks being issued to a fictitious entity, "Salisbury Practical Shooting Supplies," apparently used by Mr. Hitch as an alter ego. But by far the majority of the irregularities discovered were simply transactions in which Mr. Hitch sold Task Force vehicles, at grossly inadequate prices, to friends and business acquaintances of himself and/or Chief Dykes. To give you some flavor of the irregularities and improprieties detected, I will summarize a few. One of the first irregularities uncovered by the audit efforts was in connection with a l988 Ford Tempo, seized by the Task Force Jan. 19, 1990, and identified in the audit report as vehicle #30. In his records, Chief Dykes assigns an appraised value of $8,000.00 to this vehicle. According to Lt. McKinney's notes, the city paid off a lien on the vehicle in August of 1990, in the amount of $4,126.88. Chief Dykes' records contain no sales price figure for this vehicle, and there is no record of any deposit in the Task Force account in connection with this vehicle. According to MVA records, however, the car was sold to Warren White, an employee of Mr. Hitch's insurance agency, Nov. 25, 1992. Though Lt. McKinney's notes indicate Mr. Hitch, when questioned in November 1997, denied selling the vehicle to Mr. White, MVA records reflect the vehicle was sold to Mr. White for $1,800.00. Mr. White, when questioned, stated he had paid for the vehicle using a Bank of Fruitland check, in the amount of approximately $1,200.00, with Mr. Hitch paying the balance on his behalf. The only check Mr. White could produce, however, dated Nov. 25, 1992, was in the amount of $160.00. After a subpoena had been served on the Bank of Fruitland, Mr. White's bank accounts were searched, but no check could be located made payable to Mr. Hitch or WINTF in connection with the purchase of this vehicle. Because Mr. White was paying less than one-half fair market value for this vehicle, the MVA required him to produce a bill of sale; at Mr. White's request, Chief Dykes signed the bill of sale which Mr. White then used to get the vehicle titled in his name. A second significant irregularity had to do with a 1988 Mercedes, vehicle #3 in the audit list, seized by the Task Force April 10, 1996, and assigned by Chief Dykes an appraised value of $10,000.00. No monies are listed by Chief Dykes as having been received for this vehicle. According to Lt. McKinney, Oct. 10, 1997, Chief Dykes informed her, in Mr. Hitch's presence, "You need to talk with Steve, the Mercedes has not been sold and is sitting on the car lot." According to Lt. McKinney, Mr. Hitch then told her there were a lot of problems with the vehicle and it had not yet been sold. However, the next day, MSP Sgt. Joe Branham of the Task Force contacted the dealership, Bill Creamer's Used Cars in Baltimore, and determined the vehicle had been sold. The next day, Mr. Hitch informed investigators the vehicle had been sold "two weeks ago," though he did not know for how much. On Nov. 13, 1997, the dealership advised the audit team they had bought the vehicle from Mr. Hitch three months before, for $4,000.00, and then promptly sold it for $12,000.00. On December 4, 1997, Mr. Hitch paid the Task Force the sum of $4,000.00 for this vehicle, using a check drawn on his "rental account." On Feb. 12, 1998, the audit investigators spoke with William Creamer, of the car dealership, who stated Mr. Hitch and a business associate, Al Bowling, had come to the dealership and picked up $4,000.00 in cash over "the summer of 1997," following which the dealership resold the vehicle for $12,000.00 Aug. 8. A third irregularity again involves Mr. Hitch's colleague, Al Bowling. The vehicle in question, identified as #33 in the audit list, was a 1988 Mercury Couger seized July 28, 1988, and assigned an appraised value of $12,000.00. Chief Dykes fails to indicate any sales monies received for this vehicle, and there is no record of any related deposit in the WINTF account. According to the audit report, Mr. Hitch sold this vehicle to Carroll's Auto Sales for $400.00; a review of MVA records reflected it is presently registered in the name of Yvonne Ann Burgess, a Baltimore resident. Audit investigators interviewed Ms. Burgess Jan. 19, 1998. Ms. Burgess informed the investigators she had been dating Al Bowling approximately 12 years, and Mr. Bowling had given her the car. According to Ms. Burgess, Mr. Bowling told her the car was a "repo-ed drug car obtained from Steve Hitch who had access to state police drug cars." Ms. Burgess explained Mr. Bowling ran a business financing automobile insurance policies and had been a business associate of Mr. Hitch for many years. Ms. Burgess informed the investigator Mr. Hitch had previously loaned her another vehicle, a white Chevrolet Cavalier. Another irregularity concerns yet another vehicle in whose sale Mr. Bowling was involved. This vehicle, #7 on the audit list, was a 1989 Honda Prelude seized by the Task Force November 23, 1994. This vehicle was assigned an appraised value of $1,500.00, but no sales monies are shown as having been received. In July of 1995, the vehicle was sold to Alan Bowling for $500.00, and Aug. 4, 1995, Chief Dykes signed a bill of sale to Mr. Bowling; Mr. Bowling's niece, Amelia Bowling, is a member of the Salisbury City police force. Another impropriety concerns a 1988 Harley Davidson motorcycle, the subject of local press several weeks ago. This vehicle, listed as #32 on the audit list, was seized Nov. 9, 1988 and assigned an appraised value of $15,000.00. No sales monies are shown to have been received in connection with this vehicle. In 1994, Sgt. Mark Tyler of the City police obtained an appraisal indicating that, after repairs, the motorcycle was worth approximately $9,800.00. Sgt. Tyler offered to purchase the motorcycle for $10,000.00, but his offer was rejected. MVA records reflect the vehicle was then sold in July of 1994 to William P. Hearne Jr., a business associate of Mr. Hitch. The vehicle title, signed by Chief Dykes, reflects a sales price of $3,500.00; however, the WINTF account reflects two deposits in connection with this vehicle, one for $3,500.00, described as the purchase price, and the other for $5,000.00, described as a "donation" from Mr. Hearne. Moreover, it appears Mr. Hitch was for some reason paid a commission in the amount of $850.00 for the sale of this vehicle, and the city and/or WINTF paid approximately $1,100.00 for repairs necessary for the vehicle to pass inspection. Another disturbing situation revealed by the audit report concerns several commercials filmed by Mr. Hitch, using public property, to promote his insurance agency. These commercials were produced by Comcast; a video of one of the commercials was obtained via a subpoena served on Comcast by the state's attorney's office. Two Task Force vehicles, vehicle #15 and 16 on the audit list, were used in one or more of these commercials. (Actually, vehicle #15, was titled in the name of the city of Salisbury.) According to audit investigators, Mr. Hitch visited the city range where these vehicles were kept, and then, with the assistance of city police officer Klaverweiden, drove the vehicles from the range to Scenic Drive, where a marked police car awaited them. Mr. Hitch, presumably with the assistance of Officer Klaverweiden, "staged" an accident involving the two vehicles, which was filmed for a commercial in which a marked city police car also appeared. (According to Lt. McKinney, a uniformed city police officer appeared in the commercial.) Chief Dykes' records reflect no sales monies received for either vehicle; on Nov. 12, 1997, Mr. Hitch informed investigators vehicle #16 was at Carroll's, but when investigators visited that dealership the next day, they found no trace of the vehicle. Another distressing incident revealed by the audit team was one in which Mr. Hitch exchanged two Task Force vehicles in return for having the carpets in his office and home cleaned. The vehicles involved, listed as #22 and #34 in the audit report, were a 1983 Toyota truck, for which a $1,200.00 appraised value was assigned, and a 1984 Nissan, for which a $3,500.00 appraised value was assigned. Chief Dykes' records reflect no sales monies received for either vehicle, and no deposit to the WINTF account has been made for either. The investigation revealed both vehicles were sold to Dan Dougherty, who Mr. Hitch apparently permitted to take possession of the vehicles under the impression he would be permitted to buy both for "a couple of hundred dollars each." Subsequently, Mr. Hitch informed Mr. Daugherty he expected him to pay for the vehicles by providing $1,000.00 worth of carpet cleaning at Mr. Hitch's office and residence; when Mr. Dougherty was interviewed in February of this year, he indicated he still had $200 to work off. Yet another irregularity uncovered by the audit investigation had to do with payments collected by Mr. Hitch via checks made payable to "Salisbury Practical Shooting Supplies." An inquiry to the Maryland State Department of Assessments and Taxation reveals there is no corporation, partnership or trade name registered in this state under that name. According to the audit report, $2,100.00 was given via a "check paid to Salisbury Practical Shooting Supply" for four vehicles, #'s 9, 10, 13 and 17 on the audit listing. (Actually, a photocopy of the check shows it was made payable to "SPSS," from which I infer the officers who wrote the report were familiar with Salisbury Practical Shooting and its association with the "SPSS" acronym.) The $2,100.00 never found its way to the WINTF account, despite the fact Chief Dykes was apparently identified as the "seller," in connection with the sale of at least one vehicle, vehicle #9 (a 1984 Chevrolet Citation). Another vehicle, a 1989 Dodge Shadow listed as #36 on the audit list, was purchased by Thompson's Garage for $550.00 April 15, 1997; the check was made payable to "WINTF," but was never deposited in the WINTF account. According to the audit report, Mr. Hitch acknowledged receiving the check, but endorsed it "for deposit only" on behalf of "Practical Shooting." In reviewing these irregularities and improprieties, I find it inconceivable they occurred without Chief Dykes' knowledge. But giving Chief Dykes the benefit of the doubt, and assuming he was ignorant of these matters, one wonders how he could have overlooked the mismanagement of responsibilities entrusted to him, where the mismanagement occurred virtually under his nose and could have been prevented by the most elementary supervision. Indeed, had Chief Dykes maintained accurate and complete records of the vehicle transactions, as the Task Force agreement (not to mention common sense) dictated, he would quickly have discovered the irregularities. The conclusion seems inescapable Chief Dykes handled these matters either corruptly or incompetently. I propose we take prompt action together to call for Chief Dykes' resignation or, if he will not resign, his suspension without pay pending the resolution of charges seeking his termination. I further propose we direct our legal counsel to contact Lt. McKinney to determine her wishes concerning possible reinstatement. Also, (particularly since I am informed Mr. Hitch spent the better part of May 12, 13 and 14 at City Police Headquarters, in conference with Chief Dykes), I strongly urge we instruct our police personnel Mr. Hitch is no longer authorized to perform services of any kind on behalf of the city. Finally: As I stated at the outset, I am concerned the city has precipitously (and I infer without your approval) withdrawn from the Narcotics Task Force. I am told the reason given for the city's exit was concern about legal liability for our officers operating in Task Force activities inside of the city limits. However, since the city has more than adequate insurance, and since municipal police departments continually participate in such activities in Task Forces around the state, I find the asserted reason unconvincing, and most candidly state I suspect the real reason for our sudden flight likely was the desire to avoid bad press. Personally, though I have not yet had an opportunity to assess the Task Force's general effectiveness, I am under the impression the city is probably well-served by continued participation in the Task Force, and would propose we immediately correspond with other Task Force members to hold in abeyance the withdrawal initiated by Chief Dykes and Mr. Eaton.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Feds Overrule State Law Again (List Subscriber Summarizes A Bulletin Tonight From WRKN In Nashville, Tennessee, Saying Federal Drug Agents Raided Tobacco Shops In Downtown Nashville And Confiscated Anything That Could Remotely Be Called Paraphernalia, Ignoring Tennessee Law, Supposedly In Order 'To Protect The Children,' Though No Children Were Allowed To Enter The Stores) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:35:53 -0500 From: "Dr. Richard E. Pearl, Sr." (email@example.com) Subject: CanPat - Feds overrule state law again Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org My friends, It was reported tonight on WRKN, Channel 2 in Nashville, Tennessee that Federal Drug agents raided several tobacco shops in downtown Nashville and confiscated anything that could remotely be called paraphernalia despite the Tennessee law which says as long as a pipe is used and sold for use with tobacco it is legal. Obviously that does not agree with federal law. The reporters stated that several legitimate businesses were raided and had thousands of dollars worth of merchandise confiscated. Additionally, if I understood the report correctly, a warehouse and/or manufacturer of these pipes was also raided. The report showed on camera that signs were posted in the stores that were raided which specifically stated that any mention of illegal products would be grounds for the customer to be refused service and removed from the premises and that all products were for use with tobacco only. These precautions satisfy Tennessee law. The Feds stated that "It's to protect the children." No mention was made that none of the products in the store are legal to sell to children and that the signs on the doors said not to enter if you are under 18. It is painfully obvious that the results of voting by the people and the laws made by our state legislators mean nothing to the federal government. What good are our state legislatures, constitutions, and votes if they have no meaning or relevance to the federal government. Why, then, do we even have them? In my humble opinion, these types of actions are illegal, immoral, unconstitutional, and unconscionable. It is proof that there is one law in the United States, and that is the whims and desires of those in power. The people, the States, and the United States Constitution are irrelevant. The 10th amendment no longer exists. True, this is a "drug" raid, and the votes have been about legalizing marijuana for medical use, but when I took my civics classes in high school and college, I was taught that the people ruled the country and instructed their government what to do. It is painfully obvious that we the people are now the servants of the government and not the other way around. Well, what are we going to do about it? God bless our Constitution and our Nation, Dr. Richard E. Pearl, Sr.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Study Sees Addiction In Older Women (According To 'The Associated Press,' A New 180-Page Report To Be Released Thursday By The National Center On Addiction And Substance Abuse At Columbia University Says 11 Percent Of Women Over 59 Abuse Or Are Addicted To Psychoactive Prescription Drugs And About 7 Percent Abuse Or Are Addicted To Alcohol, But Less Than 1 Percent Who Need Treatment Receive It) Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 02:21:02 -0400 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: Wire: Study Sees Addiction In Older Women Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 Source: Associated Press STUDY SEES ADDICTION IN OLDER WOMEN WASHINGTON (AP) -- An alarming number of women over age 59 are addicted to psychoactive prescription drugs and alcohol, and only a few physicians are catching the early signs of abuse, according to a new study by Columbia University. The 180-page report, being released Thursday by Columbia's National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse, said 11 percent of older women -- 2.8 million -- abuse or are addicted to psychoactive prescription drugs. About 1.8 million or 7 percent of older women abuse or are addicted to alcohol. The two-year study also concluded that less than 1 percent of the women who need treatment for alcohol abuse receive it. ``In good health, these women can work, be supportive parents and loving grandparents and have two decades of independent living ahead of them,'' said Joseph A. Califano Jr., president of the Columbia substance abuse center. ``Substance abuse and addiction steal millions of these years by condemning thousands of these women to disability and premature death.'' As part of its study, the center reviewed prescriptions for psychoactive -- mood altering -- drugs given to 13,000 mature women over a six-month period. The report concluded that half of the prescriptions for tranquilizers and sleeping pills should not have been given or should have been given for shorter periods of time. One in four women use at least one psychoactive prescription drug, according to the study. The report also pointed to doctors not recognizing symptoms of abuse among their older female patients. Only one percent of primary care physicians considered a substance abuse diagnosis when presented with common symptoms of alcohol abuse. Instead, 80 percent diagnosed the symptoms as depression. ``What's inexcusable is that these tragedies are preventable,'' said Califano. Former first lady Betty Ford joined Califano in calling the situation a ``hidden'' epidemic, with older women reluctant to come forward because of society's stigmas, and family members denying the signs of abuse. ``It is swept under the rug of denial and desperation of families and friends who can't accept the reality of a mother or aunt or sister who may be abusing alcohol or addicted to it or who simply don't know what to do about it,'' Mrs. Ford said. The report suggested that physicians can spend as little as five minutes counseling patients deemed at risk to help prevent the problem. It also recommended increased training for physicians on how to recognize and address substance abuse. The study was based on an analysis of several national surveys, including the Health and Retirement Study conducted by the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor and the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse sponsored by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration in the Health and Human Services Department. The physician survey was conducted independently by Louis Harris & Associates. The telephone survey of 400 physicians had a margin of error of plus or minus 3 to 5 percentage points.
------------------------------------------------------------------- New Revelations - The CIA And Drugs (ANTIFA, An Anti-Fascist Group, Posts Two Documents, The First An Article From Robert Parry's Newsletter, 'The Consortium,' The Second Former DEA Agent Celerino Castillo's April 1998 Testimony To The House Permanent Select Committee On Intelligence) Date: Mon, 15 Jun 1998 03:53:04 -0700 To: "Chuck's List" (email@example.com) From: "Charles P. Conrad" (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: [AFIB] New Revelations: The CIA & Drugs ANTIFA INFO - BULLETIN News * Analysis * Research * Action *** SPECIAL - June 3, 1998 - EDITION *** * SPECIAL EDITION * *** The Truth is that police must "serve and protect;" Reality is Black youth is shown no respect. The Truth is government has a "war against drugs;" Reality is government is ruled by thugs. -- KRS One, R.E.A.L.I.T.Y. *** NEW REVELATIONS: THE CIA & DRUGS *** AFIB EDITOR'S NOTE: The texts below from Robert Parry's bi- weekly newsletter "The Consortium," and former DEA agent Celerino "Cele" Castillo's April 1998 testimony to the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, provide new details of CIA and US government complicity with narco- fascism during the 1980s. Faced by the growing power of leftist insurgency in today's Colombia, the Clinton administration is expanding military and logistical support for that country's drug-tainted terror state. Often in league with narco-capitalists and right-wing paramilitary death squads, Colombia's military elite (and the Clinton administration) are selling increased military "aid" as a necessary component for expanding the so-called "war against drugs." But as in Central America during the 1980s, Washington is forging an unsavory alliance with brutal killers and drug traffickers in an attempt to prop up a corrupt authoritarian regime. Describing Washington's role in Colombia, General Charles Wilhelm, the commander of US military forces in Latin America told the New York Times: "This is not a one-night stand. This is marriage for life." Judging past Pentagon vows of fidelity to "democracy" this is surely a marriage made in hell... *** THE CONSORTIUM For Independent Journalism Web: http://www.delve.com/consort.html Tel: (703) 920-1580 E-mail: email@example.com - Volume 3, No. 11 (Issue 63) - June 1, 1998 - *** CONTRA-COCAINE: EVIDENCE OF PREMEDITATION *** By Robert Parry *** New evidence, now in the public record, strongly suggests that the Reagan administration's tolerance of drug trafficking by the Nicaraguan contras and other clients in the 1980s was premeditated. With almost no notice in the national press, a 1982 letter was introduced into the Congressional Record revealing how CIA Director William J. Casey secretly engineered an exemption sparing the CIA from a legal requirement to report on drug smuggling by agency assets. The exemption was granted by Attorney General William French Smith on Feb. 11, 1982, only two months after President Reagan authorized covert CIA support for the Nicaraguan contra army and some eight months before the first known documentary evidence revealing that the contras had started collaborating with drug traffickers. The exemption suggests that the CIA's tolerance of illicit drug smuggling by its clients during the 1980s was official policy anticipated from the outset, not just an unintended consequence followed by an ad hoc cover-up. Before the letter's release, the documentary evidence only supported the allegation that Ronald Reagan's CIA concealed drug trafficking by the contras and other intelligence assets in Latin America. The CIA's inspector general Frederick P. Hitz confirmed that long-held suspicion in an investigative report issued on Jan. 29, 1998. LAUNDRY LIST But the newly released letter, placed into the Congressional Record by Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., on May 7, establishes that Casey foresaw the legal dilemma which the CIA would encounter should federal law require it to report on illicit narcotics smuggling by its agents. The narcotics exemption is especially noteworthy in contrast to the laundry list of crimes which the CIA was required to disclose. Under Justice Department regulations, "reportable offenses" included assault, homicide, kidnapping, Neutrality Act violations, communication of classified data, illegal immigration, bribery, obstruction of justice, possession of explosives, election contributions, possession of firearms, illegal wiretapping, visa violations and perjury. Yet, despite reporting requirements for many less serious offenses, Casey fought a bureaucratic battle in early 1982 to exempt the CIA from, as Smith wrote, "the need to add narcotics violations to the list of reportable non-employee crimes." In his letter, Smith noted that the law provides that "when requested by the Attorney General, it shall be the duty of any agency or instrumentality of the Federal Government to furnish assistance to him for carrying out his functions under" the Controlled Substances Act. But Smith agreed that "in view of the fine cooperation the Drug Enforcement Administration has received from CIA, no formal requirement regarding the reporting of narcotics violations has been included in these procedures." [At the time of Smith's letter, Kenneth Starr was a counselor in the attorney general's office, although it is not clear whether Starr had any input into the exemption.] On March 2, 1982, Casey thanked Smith for the exemption. "I am pleased that these procedures, which I believe strike the proper balance between enforcement of the law and protection of intelligence sources and methods, will now be forwarded to other agencies covered by them for signing by the heads of the agencies," Casey wrote. In the years that followed, "protection of intelligence sources and methods" apparently became the catch-all excuse for the CIA's tolerance of South American cocaine smugglers using the contra war as cover. Though precise volume estimates are impossible, the contra-connected drug pipeline clearly pumped tons of cocaine into the United States during the early-to-mid 1980s. CONTRA UMBRELLA Some contra defenders have argued that the anti-Sandinista armies in Honduras and Costa Rica were not the primary beneficiaries of the narcotics smuggling, that most of the profits probably went to drug lords with few political interests. Still, over the past 15 years, substantial evidence has surfaced revealing that many drug smugglers scurried under the contra umbrella. They presumably understood that the Reagan administration would be loath to expose its pet covert action to negative publicity and possibly even to criminal prosecution. According to the accumulated evidence, Bolivia's "cocaine coup" government of 1980-82 was the first in line filling the contra drug pipeline. But other contra-connected drug operations soon followed, including the Medellin cartel, the Panamanian government, the Honduran military and Miami-based anti-Castro Cubans. The contra-connected cocaine also moved through transshipment points in Costa Rica and El Salvador. [For details, see Robert Parry's Lost History; Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall; or Gary Webb's forthcoming book, Dark Alliance.] Less clear is exactly what the U.S. government knew about the contra-connected drug trafficking and when. Reagan authorized CIA support for the contra army in mid-December 1981. But the first publicly known case of contra cocaine shipments appeared in government files in an Oct. 22, 1982, cable from the CIA's Directorate of Operations. The cable passed on word that U.S. law enforcement agencies were aware of "links between (a U.S. religious organization) and two Nicaraguan counter-revolutionary groups [which] involve an exchange in (the United States) of narcotics for arms." The material in parentheses was inserted by the CIA as part of its declassification of the cable. The name of the religious group remains secret. Over the next several years, the CIA learned of other suspected links between the contras and drug trafficking. In 1984, the CIA even intervened with the Justice Department to block a criminal investigation into a suspected contra role in a San Francisco-based drug ring, according to Hitz's report. In December 1985, Brian Barger and I wrote the first news article disclosing that virtually every Nicaraguan contra group had links to drug trafficking. In that Associated Press dispatch, we noted that the CIA knew of at least one case of cocaine profits filtering into the contra war effort, but that DEA officials in Washington claimed they had never been told of any contra tie-in. The Casey exemption explains why that was possible. After the AP story ran, the Reagan administration attacked it as unfounded and the article was largely ignored by the rest of the Washington press corps. But it did help spark an investigation by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass., who over the next two years amassed substantial evidence of cocaine smuggling in and around the contra war. Still, the Reagan and Bush administrations continued to disparage Kerry's probe and its many witnesses. Through the end of the decade, the mainstream Washington media also denigrated the allegations. In April 1989, when Kerry released a lengthy report detailing multiple examples of how the contra war supplied cover for major drug trafficking operations, the nation's most prestigious newspapers -- The New York Times, The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times -- published only brief, dismissive accounts. With the end of the contra war in 1990, the controversy faded further into the historical recesses. The Clinton administration quietly rescinded Casey's narcotics exemption in 1995. CRACK EPIDEMIC The contra-cocaine issue arose again in 1996 with an investigative series by Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury-News. Those stories traced how one of the contra drug conduits helped fuel the crack epidemic in Los Angeles. In response, the major newspapers again rallied to the CIA's defense. They denounced the series as overblown, although finally acknowledging that the allegations raised during the 1980s were true. Webb's series also prompted a new investigation by the CIA's inspector general. In the first volume of his investigative report, Hitz admitted the CIA knew early on about contra drug trafficking and covered it up. The report's second volume reportedly puts the CIA in even a worse light. The CIA press office acknowledges that the second volume has been completed, but adds that there is no timetable for releasing a declassified version. "They'll only let it out if they're pressured," commented one U.S. official. But the CIA apparently is counting on continued disinterest by the national press as a sign that there is no need to revisit the issue. That assessment was bolstered on May 7 when Waters introduced the Casey-Smith letters into the Congressional Record and drew very little media interest in the damaging admissions. For her part, Waters stated that the Casey-Smith arrangement "allowed some of the biggest drug lords in the world to operate without fear that the CIA would be required to report their activities to the DEA and other law enforcement agencies. ... These damning memorandums ... are further evidence of a shocking official policy that allowed the drug cartels to operate through the CIA-led contra covert operations in Central America." Though Waters's comments focused on the contra war, Casey's narcotics exemption could have had other CIA covert operations in mind. In the early 1980s, the CIA-backed Afghan mujahedeen also were implicated as major heroin traffickers in the Near East. But whatever the genesis of the drug exemption, the Casey-Smith exchange of letters stands as important historical evidence bolstering the long-denied allegations of CIA complicity in drug trafficking. Worse yet, the documents are evidence of premeditation. Copyright (c) 1998 CONSORTIUM ON-LINE OR MAIL SUBSCRIPTIONS ON LINE: 1 year (26 issues) - $10. Visa or Mastercard: 1- 800-738-1812; active passwords with each issue. NEWSLETTER FORMAT: 1 year - (26 issues) $39; 6 months (13 issues) - $24. I.F. MAGAZINE: a bi-monthly publication featuring the best stories from The Consortiun (six issues) for $25. THE MEDIA CONSORTIUM Suite 102-231 2200 Wilson Blvd. Arlington, VA 22201 *** WRITTEN STATEMENT OF CELERINO CASTILLO III, (D.E.A., RETIRED) FOR THE HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE, April 27, 1998 *** Source: http://www.copvcia.com/contra~1.htm Celerino "Cele" Castillo III Author: "POWDERBURNS" Cocaine, Contras & The Drug War; 2709 N. 28 1/2 St., McAllen, Texas 78501 Tele/Fax: 956-631-3818 Pager: 956-318-4913; E-Mail: firstname.lastname@example.org *** For several years, I fought in the trenches of the front lines of Reagan's "Drug War", trying to stamp out what I considered American's greatest foreign threat. But, when I was posted, in Central and South America from 1984 through 1990, I knew we were playing the "Drug War Follies." While our government shouted "Just Say No !", entire Central and South American nations fell into what are now known as, "Cocaine democracies." While with the DEA, I was able to keep journals of my assignments in Central and South America. These journals include names, case file numbers and DEA NADDIS (DEA Master Computer) information to back up my allegations. I have pictures and original passports of the victims that were murdered by CIA assets. These atrocities were done with the approval of the agencies. We, ordinary Americans, cannot trust the C.I.A. Inspector General to conduct a full investigation into the CIA or the DEA. Let me tell you why. When President Clinton (June, 1996) ordered The Intelligence Oversight Board to conduct an investigation into allegations that US Agents were involved in atrocities in Guatemala, it failed to investigate several DEA and CIA operations in which U.S. agents knew before hand that individuals (some Americans) were going to be murdered. I became so frustrated that I forced myself to respond to the I.O.B report citing case file numbers, dates, and names of people who were murdered. In one case (DEA file # TG-86-0005) several Colombians and Mexicans were raped, tortured and murdered by CIA and DEA assets, with the approval of the CIA. Among those victims identified was Jose Ramon Parra-Iniguez, Mexican passport A-GUC-043 and his two daughters Maria Leticia Olivier-Dominguez, Mexican passport A-GM-8381. Also included among the dead were several Colombian nationals: Adolfo Leon Morales-Arcilia "a.k.a." Adolfo Morales-Orestes, Carlos Alberto Ramirez, and Jiro Gilardo-Ocampo. Both a DEA and a CIA agent were present, when these individuals were being interrogated (tortured). The main target of that case was a Guatemalan Congressman, (Carlos Ramiro Garcia de Paz) who took delivery of 2,404 kilos of cocaine in Guatemala just before the interrogation. This case directly implicated the Guatemalan Government in drug trafficking (The Guatemalan Congressman still has his US visa and continues to travel at his pleasure into the US). To add salt to the wound, in 1989 these murders were investigated by the U.S Department of Justice, Office of Professional Responsibility. DEA S/I Tony Recevuto determined that the Guatemalan Military Intelligence, G-2 (the worst human rights violators in the Western Hemisphere) was responsible for these murders. Yet, the U.S. government continued to order U.S. agents to work hand-in-hand with the Guatemalan Military. This information was never turned over to the I.O.B. investigation. (See attached response) I have obtained a letter, dated May 28, 1996, from the DEA administrator, to U.S. Congressman Lloyd Doggett (D), Texas. In this letter, the administrator flatly lies, stating that DEA agents "have never engaged in any joint narcotics programs with the Guatemalan Military". I was there. I was the leading Agent in Guatemala. 99.9% of DEA operations were conducted with the Guatemalan military. In 1990, the DEA invited a Guatemalan military G-2 officer, Cpt. Fuentez, to attend a DEA narcotic school, which is against DEA policy. I know this for a fact because I worked with this officer for several years and was in Guatemala when he was getting ready to travel to the States. Facts of my investigation on CIA-Contras drug trafficking in El Salvador: The key to understanding the "crack cocaine" epidemic, which exploded on our streets in 1984, lies in understanding the effect of congressional oversight on covert operations. In this case the Boland amendment(s) of the era, while intending to restrict covert operations as intended by the will of the People, only served to encourage C.I.A., the military and elements of the national intelligence community to completely bypass the Congress and the Constitution in an eager and often used covert policy of funding prohibited operations with drug money. As my friend and colleague Michael Ruppert has pointed out through his own experience in the 1970s, CIA has often bypassed congressional intent by resorting to the drug trade (Vietnam, Laos, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, etc). When the Boland Amendment(s) cut the Contras off from a continued U.S. government subsidy, George Bush, his national security adviser Don Gregg, and Ollie North, turned to certain foreign governments, and to private contributions, to replace government dollars. Criminal sources of contributions were not excluded. By the end of 1981, through a series of Executive Orders and National Security Decision Directives, many of which have been declassified, Vice President Bush was placed in charge of all Reagan administration intelligence operations. All of the covert operations carried out by officers of the CIA, the Pentagon, and every other federal agency, along with a rogue army of former intelligence operatives and foreign agents, were commanded by George Bush. Gary Webb (San Jose Mercury News) acknowledged, that he simply had not traced the command structure over the Contras up into the White House, although he had gotten some indications that the operation was not just CIA. On Dec. 01, 1981, President Ronald Reagan signed a secret order authorizing the CIA to spend $19.9 million for covert military aid to the recently formed Contras -- hardly enough money to launch a serious military operation against the Cuban and Soviet-backed Sandinista regime. In August 1982, George Bush hired Donald P. Gregg as his principal adviser for national security affairs. In late 1984, Gregg introduced Oliver North to Felix Rodriguez, (a retired CIA agent) who had already been working in Central America for over a year under Bush's direction. Gregg personally introduced Rodriguez to Bush on Jan. 22, 1985. Two days after his January 1985 meeting, Rodriguez went to El Salvador and made arrangements to set up his base of operations at Ilopango air base. On Nov. 01, 1984, the FBI arrested Rodriguez's partner, Gerard Latchinian and convicted him of smuggling $10.3 million in cocaine into the U.S. On Jan. 18, 1985, Rodriguez allegedly met with money- launderer Ramon Milan-Rodriguez, who had moved $1.5 billion for the Medellin cartel. Milan testified before a Senate Investigation on the Contras' drug smuggling, that before this 1985 meeting, he had granted Felix Rodriguez's request and given $10 million from the cocaine for the Contras. On September 10, 1985, North wrote in his Notebook: Introduced by Wally Grasheim/Litton, Calero/Bermudez visit to Ilopango to estab. log support./maint. (...) In October of 1985, Upon my arrival in Guatemala, I was forewarned by Guatemala DEA, County Attache, Robert J. Stia, that the DEA had received intelligence that the Contras out of Salvador, were involved in drug trafficking. For the first time, I had come face to face with the contradictions of my assignment. The reason that I had been forewarned was because I would be the Lead Agent in El Salvador. DEA Guatemalan informant, Ramiro Guerra (STG-81-0013) was in place in Guatemala and El Salvador on "Contra" intelligence. At the time (early 80's), he was a DEA fugitive on "Rico" (Racketeering Influence and Corrupt Organizations) and "CCE" (Continuing Criminal Enterprise) charges out of San Francisco. In 1986, he became an official advisor for the DEA trained El Salvador Narcotics Task Force. In 1989, all federal charges were dropped because of his cooperation with the DEA in Central America. Guerra is still a DEA informant in Guatemala. December 1985, CNN reporter Brian Barger broke the story of the Contra's involved in drug trafficking. NOTES FROM MY JOURNALS & INTELLIGENCE GATHERING January 13, 1986, I wrote a report on El Salvador under DEA file (GFTG-86-9145). January 16, 1986---HK-1217W--Carlos Siva and Tulio Pedras Contra pilots. January 23, 1986, GFTG-86-9999, Air Intelligence in "El Salvador" TG-86-0003, Samana and Raul. In 1986, I placed an informant (Mario Murga) at the Ilopango airport in El Salvador. He was initiated and wrote the flight plans for most Contra pilots. After their names were submitted into NADDIS, it was revealed that most pilots had already been document in DEA files as traffickers. (See DEA memo by me date 2-14-89.) Feb. 05, 1986, I had seized $800,000.00 in cash, 35 kilos of cocaine, and an airplane at Ilopango. DEA # TG-86-0001; Gaitan-Gaitan, Leonel March 24, 1986, I wrote a DEA report on the Contra operation. (GFTG-86-4003, Frigorificos de Puntarenas, S.A), US registration aircraft N-68435 (Cessna 402). April 17, 86, I wrote a Contra report on Arturo Renick; Johnny Ramirez (Costa Rica). Air craft TI-AQU & BE-60.. GFTG-86-9999; Air Intelligence. April 25,26 1986--I met with CIA Felix Vargas in El Salvador (GFTG-86-9145). April of 1986, The Consul General of the U.S Embassy in El Salvador (Robert J. Chavez), warned me that CIA agent George Witters was requesting a U.S visa for a Nicaraguan drug trafficker and Contra pilot by the name of Carlos Alberto Amador. (mentioned in 6 DEA files) May 14, 1986, I spoke to Jack O'Conner DEA HQS Re: Matta- Ballesteros. (NOTE: Juan Ramon Matta-Ballesteros was perhaps the single largest drug trafficker in the region. Operating from Honduras he owned several companies which were openly sponsored and subsidized by C.I.A.) May 26, 1986, Mario Rodolfo Martinez-Murga became an official DEA informant (STG-86-0006). Before that, he had been a sub-source for Ramiro Guerra and Robert Chavez. Under Chavez, Murga's intelligence resulted in the seizure of several hundred kilos of cocaine, (from Ilopango to Florida) making Murga a reliable source of information. May 27, 1986, I Met U.S. Army Lt. Col. Alberto Adame in El Salvador. Has knowledge of the Contra Operation at Ilopango. He was in El Salvador from 1984 thru 1987. On June 06, 1986, I send a DEA report/telex cable to Washington DEA in regards to Contra pilots, Carlos Amador and Carlos Armando Llamos (Honorary Ambassador from El Salvador to Panama) (N-308P). Llamos had delivered 4 1/2 million dollars to Panama from Ilopango for the Contras. Information was gathered by informant Mario Murga. Leon Portilla-TIANO = Navojo 31 & YS-265-American Pilot: Francisco Viaud. Roberto Gutierrez (N-82161) Mexican (X-AB) June 10, 1998, I spoke to CIA agent Manny Brand Re: Sofi Amoury (Cuban Contra operator and Guatemalan Galvis-Pena in Guatemala. June 16, 1986-GFTG-86-9999, Air Intel (DEA-6) El Salvador Early part of 1986, I received a telex/cable from DEA Costa Rica. SA Sandy Gonzales requested for me to investigate hangers 4 and 5 at Ilopango. DEA Costa Rica had received reliable intelligence that the Contras were flying cocaine into the hangars. Both hangers were owned and operated by the CIA and the National Security Agency. Operators of those two hangars were, Lt. Col. Oliver North and CIA contract agent, Felix Rodriguez, "a.k.a." Max Gomez. (See attached letter by Bryan Blaney (O.I.C.), dated March 28, 1991). June 18, 1986, Salvadoran Contra pilot, Francisco "Chico" Guirrola-Beeche (DEA NADDIS # 1585334 and 1744448) had been documented as a drug trafficker. On this date, at 7:30a.m, he departed Ilopango to the Bahamas to air drop monies. On his return trip (June 21) Guirrola arrived with his passengers Alejandro Urbizu & Patricia Bernal. In 1988 Urbizu was arrested in the US in a Cocaine conspiracy case. In 1985 Guirrola was arrested in South Texas (Kleberg County) with 5 and 1/2 million dollars cash, which he had picked up in Los Angeles, California. (U.S. Customs in Dallas/Ft. Worth had case on him.) June 18, 1986, DEA 6 on Air Intelligence, GFTG- 86-9999; El Salvador. June 27 & 28, 1986, US Lt. Col. Albert Adame spoke with US Ambassador Edwin Corr re: Narcotics. In a July 26, 1986 report to the Congress, on contra-related narcotics allegation, The State Department described the Frogman CASE as follows, "This case gets it's nickname from swimmers who brought cocaine ashore in San Francisco on a Colombian vessel." It focused on a major Colombian cocaine smuggler, ALVARO CARVAJAL-MINOTA, who supplied a number of west coast smugglers. It was further alleged that Nicaraguan Contra, Horacio Pererita, was subsequently convicted on drug charges in Costa Rica and sentenced to 12 years imprisonment. Two other members of the organization were identified as Nicaraguans Carlos Cabezas & Julio Zavala. They were among the jailed West Coast traffickers and convicted of receiving drugs from Carvajal. They claimed long after their convictions, that they had delivered sums of monies to Contra resistance groups in Costa Rica. July 28, 1986, I Met with CIA agents Don Richardson, Janice Elmore and Lt. Col. Adame in El Salvador. July 29, 1986, I Met with Don Richardson and Robert Chavez at the US Embassy in El Salvador. August 03, 1986, Ramiro Guerra, Lt. Col. A. Adame, Dr. Hector Regalado (Dr. Death, who claimed to have shot Archbishop Romero) and myself went out on patrol in El Salvador. In Aug. 1986, The Kerry Committee requested information on the Contra pilots from the DEA. The Department Of Justice flatly refused to give up any information. Aug. 15, 1986, I spoke to CIA (Chief of Station) Jack McCavett and Don Richardson; El Salvador; Re: Fernando Canelas Sanez from Florida. Aug. 18, 1986, I received $45,000.00 in cash from CIA Chief of Station (CIA), Jack McKavett for the purchase of vehicles for the DEA El Salvador Narcotic Task Force. Aug. 28, 1986, I had a meeting with El Salvador US Ambassador, Edwin Corr, in regards to Wally Grasheim, Pete's Place and Carlos Amador (3:00 p.m.) Oscar Alvarado-Lara "a.k.a." El Negro Alvarado (CIA asset and Contra pilot) was mentioned in 3 DEA files. On June 11, 1986, Alvarado transported 27 illegal Cubans to El Salvador Ilopango, where they were then smuggled into Guatemala. On Sept. 28, 1987, Alvarado picked up CIA officer Randy Capister in Puerto Barrios Guatemala after a joint DEA, CIA and Guatemala Military (G-2) operation. Several Mexicans and Colombians were murdered and raped. This was supported by the CIA. DEA File TG-86-0005. 1986, DEA El Salvador, initiated a file on Walter L. Grasheim (TG-87-0003). He is mentioned in several DEA, FBI and U.S Customs files. This DEA file is at The National Archives in The Iran-Contra file in Washington D.C (bulky # 2316). Also see attached Top Secret/Declassified Record of Interview on Mr. Grasheim, by the Office of Independent Counsel, dated Jan. 03, 1991. Sept. 01, 1986, at approximately 5:00pm, I received a phone call in Guatemala from (C.I) Ramiro Guerra, Re: Raid at Wally's house in El Salvador Wally's plane (N-246-J). On September 01, 1986, Walter Grasheim (a civilian) residence in El Salvador was searched by the DEA Task Force. Found at the residence was an arsenal of US military munitions, (allegedly for a Contra military shipment). Found were cases of C-4 explosives, grenades, ammunition, sniper rifles, M-16's, helicopter helmets and knives. Also found were files of payment to Salvadoran Military Officials (trips to New York City). Found at his residence were radios and license plates belonging to the US Embassy. We also found an M16 weapon belonging to the US Mil-Group Commander, Col. Steel. Prior to the search, I went to every department of the U.S. Embassy and asked if this individual worked in any way shape or form with the embassy. Every head of the departments denied that he worked for them. A pound of marijuana and marijuana plants growing in the back yard, were also found. Sept. 02, 1986, I departed Guatemala on Taca Airlines @ 7:30a.m to El Salvador. Sept. 26, 1986, Meeting with Col. Steel Re: Mr. Grasheim (Col. Steel admitted that he had given an M-16 to Grasheim) and CIA George W. Also talked to Don Richardson (CIA) re: Ramiro Guerra. Talked to Col. Adame Re: CIA George. October 03, 1986, Spoke to DEA Panama re: Mr. Grasheim. Was advised to be careful. October 15, 1986, Asst. Atty. Gen. Mark Richard testified before the Kerry Committee, that he had attended a meeting with 20 to 25 officials and that the DEA did not want to provide any of the information the committee had requested on the Contra involvement in drug trafficking. October 21, 1986, I send a Telex/cable to Washington D.C on the Contras. October 22, 1986 talked to El Salvador Re: Grasheim. October 23, 1986, HK-1960P Honduras. 1,000 kilos of cocaine. DEA- 6 was written on this case. October 29, 1986 Talked to DEA HQS (John Martch) re Contras & Grasheim. October 30, 1986, Talked to Salvadoran Gen. Blandon re: to Mr. Grasheim. Nov. 07, 1986, Talked to John Martch 202-786-4356 and Azzam-633-1049; Home: 301-262-1007. (Contras). Nov. 13, 1986, I Met with Ambassador Corr @2:00pm re: Mr. Grasheim. (He stated, "let the chips fall where they may." Met w/ Lt. Col. Adame. November 14, 1986, Met with Salvadoran Col. Villa Marona re: Mr. Grasheim. He advised that the U.S Embassy had approved for Grasheim to work at Ilopango. On January 20, 1987, Joel Brinkley (special to the New York Times) reported. "Contra Arms Crew said To Smuggle Drugs" The 3rd secret had surfaced. Brinkley wrote: "Fed. Drug investigators uncovered evidence last fall that the American flight crews which covertly carried arms to the Nicaraguan rebels were smuggling cocaine and other drugs on their return trips back to the US. Administration Officials said today that when the crew members, based in El Salvador, learned that DEA agents were investigating their activities, one of them warned that they had White House protection. The Times then quoted an anonymous US official who said the crew member's warnings which came after DEA searched his San Salvador house for drugs, caused 'quite a stir' at Ilopango." Feb. 09, 1987, I had meeting with Lt. Col. Adame and Elmore re: major argument with DEA HQS I.A. Lourdez Border. They had just arrived in Guatemala for a two-day fact finding tour of El Salvador. Feb. 10, 1987, I met with U.S. Ambassador Corr (Salvador) re DEA HQS Intel. Analyst Lourdez Border and Doug (last name unknown) - both were rookies. In two days in El Salvador, they determined that there was no contra involvement in drug trafficking. February 27. 1987, I spoke to Mike Alston, DEA Miami, RE: Contra pilots John Hall; Bruce Jones' airstrip in Costa Rica, Colombian Luis Rodriguez; Mr. Shrimp-Ocean Hunter Costa Rica to Miami. Contra Operation from Central American to U.S. March 03, 1987, met with Janis Elmore (CIA) from 9:00pm till 12:00 March 30, 1987, I invited U.S. Customs Agent Richard Rivera to El Salvador in an attempt to trace ammunitions and weapons found in Mr. Grasheim's residence. It's alleged that The Pentagon put a stop on his trace. (They were never able to trace the items). April 01, 1987, Bob Stia, Walter (pilot) Morales and myself flew to El Salvador. Met with two CIA agents who advised us that we could no longer utilize Murga because he was now working with them). April 07,08,09, 1987, I met with John Martch in Guatemala Re: Contras and OPR. Sept. 27, 1987, Central American CIA agent, Randy Capister, the Guatemala military (G-2) and myself, seized over 2,404 kilos of cocaine from a Guatemalan Congressman, Carlos Ramiro Garcia de Paz and the Medellin cartel (biggest cocaine seizure in Central America and top five ever). However, several individuals were murdered and raped on said operation. CIA agent and myself saw the individuals being interrogated. The Congressman was never arrested or charged. October 22, 1987, I received a call from DEA HQS Everett Johnson, not to close Contra files because some committee was requesting file. If you have an open file, you do not have access to the files under Freedom of Information Act. Aug. 30, 1988, Received intelligence from (Guido Del Prado) at the U.S. Embassy, El Salvador re: Carlos Armando Llemus- Herrera (Contra pilot). Oct. 27, 1988, Received letter from "Bill," Regional Security Officer at the Embassy in El Salvador re: Corruption on US ambassador Corr and del Prado. Dec. 03, 1988, DEA seized 356 kilos of cocaine in Tiquisate, Guatemala (DEA # TG-89-0002; Hector Sanchez). Several Colombians were murdered on said operation and condoned by the DEA and CIA. I have pictures of individuals that were murdered in said case. The target was on Gregorio Valdez (CIA asset) of The Guatemala Piper Co. At that time, all air operations for the CIA and DEA flew out of Piper. Aug. 24, 1989, Because of my information, the U.S. Embassy canceled Guatemalan Military, Lt. Col. Hugo Francisco Moran-Carranza, (Head of Interpol and Corruption) U.S. visa. He was documented as a drug trafficker and as a corrupt Guatemalan Official. He was on his way to a U.S. War College for one year, invited by the CIA. Feb. 21, 1990, I send a telex-cable to DEA HQS Re: Moran's plan to assassinate me. Between Aug. 1989 and March 06, 1990, Col. Moran had initiated the plan to assassinate me in El Salvador and blame it on the guerrillas. On March 06, 1990, I traveled to Houston to deliver an undercover audio tape on my assassination. The Houston DEA S.A Mark Murtha (DEA File M3-90-0053) had an informant into Lt. Col. Moran. Feb. 24, 1990, I moved my family back home because DEA could not make a decision. March 15, 1990, After 6 months knowing about the assassination plan, DEA transferred me out to San Diego, California for 6 months. April 05, 1990, an illegal search was conducted at my residence in Guatemala by Guatemala DEA agents Tuffy Von Briensen, Larry Hollifield and Guatemalan Foreign Service National, Marco Gonzales in Guatemala (No search warrant). DEA HQS agreed that it had been an illegal search requested by OPR S/I Tony Recevuto. (OPR file PR-TG-90-0068) On Sept. 16, 1991, a questionnaire was faxed to me in regards to the illegal search. (see attached) April 11, 1991, in an undercover capacity, Carlos Cabezas's wife sold me 5 kilos of cocaine in San Francisco. (DEA # R3-91-0036; Milagro Rodriguez) On April 16, 1991, I met with Carlos Cabezas at the DEA Office in San Francisco. He stated to me that Zavala and himself were informants for the FBI in San Francisco at the time his wife delivered the cocaine. Alvaro Carbajal had supplied the 5 kilos of cocaine. (There is an undercover audio tape available as evidence) Mr. Cabezas gave me his undercover business card. It was identified as "The California Company" at 3519-Mission St., San Francisco, CA 94110 REAL ESTATE & INVESTMENTS Carlos A. Cabezas, Sales Associate Pager: 371-7108 Fax: (415) 647-0918; Res: (415 991-3104; Bus: (415) 647-8014. May 10, 1990, DEA HQS OPR S/I Tony Recevuto returned to Guatemala and requested the U.S. Ambassador, to please grant Lt. Col. Hugo Moran-Carranza a US Visa, so that he could testify before the BCCI investigation in Miami. The ambassador could not understand why anyone, for any reason would request a US Visa for an individual who had planned the assassination of a US drug agent. May 27, 1990, I was ordered to return back to Guatemala to pack my household goods. The threat was still very real for me. On June 01, 1990, I departed Guatemala for the last time. On June 05, 1990, another American was killed by the Guatemalan Military. BEFORE THE KERRY COMMITTEE The CIA acknowledged drugs in a statement by Central American Task Force Chief Alan Fiers who testified: "with respect to (drug trafficking) by the Resistance Forces...It is not a couple of people. It is a lot of people." The DEA has always stated that my reports were unfounded, but they later recanted. DEA Assistant Administrator, David Westrate stated of the Nicaraguan War: "It is true that people on both sides of the equation (in the Nicaraguan War) were drug traffickers, and a couple of them were pretty significant." In a Sept. 20-26, 1989, series of debriefings and in subsequent debriefing on Feb. 13, 1990, by DEA agents in Los Angeles, Lawrence Victor Harrison, an American-born electronics specialist who had worked in Mexico and had been involved with the leading figures in the Mexican drug cartel, was interviewed. He testified that he had been present when two of the partners of Matta-Ballesteros and Rafael Caro-Quintero, met with American pilots working out of Ilopango air base in El Salvador, providing arms to the Contras. The purpose of the meeting was to work out drug deals. Several days earlier, on Feb. 09, 1990, Harrison had told DEA interrogators that Nicaraguan Contras were being trained at a ranch in Vera Cruz, owned by Rafael Caro Quintero. It was at Quintero's Guadalajara ranch that DEA Agent Kiki Camarena, and his pilot were interrogated, tortured and buried alive. January 23, 1991, letter to Mr. William M. Baker, Asst. Director of Criminal Investigative Division, FBI; from Lawrence E. Walsh and Mike Foster, requesting several FBI files on Walter L. Grasheim. (see attached) January 30, 1991, letter to DEA Ronald Caffrey, Deputy Asst. Administrator for Operations at DEA from Craig A. Guillen, Associate Counsel of the Office of Independent Counsel; requesting Walter L. Grasheim reports. (see attached) In 1991, a DEA General File was opened on an Oliver North in Washington D.C. (GFGD-91-9139) "smuggling weapons into the Philippines with known drug traffickers." In 1991, before I departed the DEA, I met with FBI agent Mike Foster, investigator for The Office of Independent Counsel on Iran-Contra, where I gave him detailed information of the Contras' involvement in drugs. October, 1994, The Washington Post reported that former Government Officials, including the DEA, CIA, State Department, US Customs and White House officials were quoted as saying that Lt. Col. Oliver North did not advise them of his knowledge that the Contras were involved in drug trafficking. In 1997, I joined DEA SA Richard Horn in a federal class action suit against the CIA. The suit is against the CIA and other federal agencies for spying on several DEA agents and other unnamed DEA employees and their families. United States District Court for The District of Columbia; Richard Horn vs. Warren Christopher, Civil Action No. 1:96CV02120 (HHG) January 30, 1994. *** This is a list of DEA case file and names of individuals that may help support my allegations. GFTG-86-9145, GFTG-87-9145 El Salvador GFTG-86-9999, GFTG-87-9999, Air Intelligence TG-87-0003, Walter L. Grasheim (Salvador case) TG-86-0001, Leonel Guitan-Guitan DEA Informants STG-86-0006 and STG-81-0013 US Ambassador Edwin Corr Janis Elmore (CIA 1986 through 1989). I reported to her when in El Salvador. Don Richardson (CIA & Political Officer in El Salvador 1986, 87). I reported to him in El Salvador. Felix Vargas (CIA El Salvador 1986, 87) Col. James Steel (Mil-Group Commander El Salvador). U.S. Lt. Col. Alberto Adame (Under Steel) Lupita Vega (the only Salvadoran which was cleared for "Top Secret") worked in the Milgroup in El Salvador. Felix Rodriguez (CIA at Ilopango hanger 4 & 5) Jack McCavett (CIA Chief of Station in El Salvador). CIA George Witter in El Salvador. He asked for US visa on drug trafficker Carlos Alberto Amador. CIA Randy Capister (covert operation in Central America 1985 t090). Involved in several atrocities. CIA Manuel Brand (retired Cuban-American) Guatemala State Department (De Luoie) El Salvador. State Department RSO Bill Rouche El Salvador State Dept. Official Del Prado (El Salvador) DEA John Martsh (DEA HQS) DEA Jack O'Conner (DEA HQS) DEA HQS Agents AZZAM & Frank Torello (retired) involved in Contra ops in Europe. Salvadoran General Bustillo (retired in Florida) US Custom Richard Rivera and Philip Newton DEA Sandy Gonzales (Costa Rica) Lincoln Benedicto-Honduras US Embassy-Consul General April 30, 1986. Re: Matta-Ballesteros *** Some people have asked, "Why I am doing this? I reply, "That a long time ago I took an oath to protect The Constitution of the United States and its citizens". In reality, it has cost me so much to become a complete human being, that I've lost my family. In 1995, I made a pilgrimage to the Vietnam Wall, where I renounced my Bronze Star in protest of the atrocities my government had committed in Central America. I have now become a veteran of my third, and perhaps most dangerous war -- a war against the criminals within my own Government. Heads have to roll for those who are responsible and still employed by the government. They will be the first targets in an effective drug strategy. If not, we will continue to have groups of individuals who will be beyond any investigation, who will manipulate the press, judges and members of our Congress, and still be known in our government as those who are above the law. *** ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN (AFIB) 750 La Playa # 730 San Francisco, California 94121 E-Mail: email@example.com *** On PeaceNet visit ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN on pol.right.antifa or by gopher - gopher://gopher.igc.apc.org:7021/11/europe Via the Web - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff/afib.html ANTI-FASCIST FORUM (AFF) Antifa Info-Bulletin is a member of the Anti-Fascist Forum network. AFF is an info-group which collects and disseminates information, research and analysis on fascist activity and anti-fascist resistance. More info: E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff ANTIFAINFO - BULLETIN NEWS * ANALYSIS * RESEARCH * ACTION RESISTING FASCISM * BY ALL MEANS NECESSARY!
------------------------------------------------------------------- UN To Seek Support For Anti-Drug Effort ('The Washington Post' Says The United Nations Plans To Seek New International Backing During A Special Meeting At UN Headquarters June 8-10 In New York For The Most Ambitious Counternarcotics Effort In Its History, But The United States And Other Industrialized Nations Are Resisting Pleas To Fund The Program, Partly Because It Would Spend Billions Of Dollars In Some Of The World's Most Corrupt Or Repressive Nations - However, President Clinton And More than 30 Heads Of State And The Representatives Of 130 Other Nations Are Expected To Endorse The Overall Objective Of The Plan, To Eradicate The World's Entire Production Of Heroin, Cocaine And Marijuana Within 10 Years) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 21:34:28 -0400 To: email@example.com, DPFT-L@TAMU.EDU From: Richard Lake
Subject: UN GE: U.N. to Seek Support for Anti-Drug Effort Newshawk: Richard Lake http://www.drugsense.org/ Source: Washington Post Authors: R. Jeffrey Smith and Douglas Farah Washington Post Staff Writers Contact: http://washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/edit/letters/letterform.htm Website: http://www.washingtonpost.com/ Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Note: This is our first good target for LTE writers! Note the GE: in the subject line above, which allows items sent to firstname.lastname@example.org to be identified as being related to the Global Days or the UNGASS. The DrugSense page, with a button which leads to these special items, is now up at: http://www.drugsense.org/ungass.htm U.N. TO SEEK SUPPORT FOR ANTI-DRUG EFFORT U.S., Other Nations Balk Over Plan to Give Aid to Afghanistan, Burma, Colombia The United Nations plans to seek new international backing next week for the most ambitious counternarcotics effort in its history, but the United States and other wealthy nations are resisting pleas to fund the program partly because it would spend billions of dollars in some of the world's most corrupt or repressive nations, such as Afghanistan, Burma and Colombia, according to U.S. and U.N. officials. The overall objective of the plan -- to eradicate the world's entire production of heroin, cocaine and marijuana over 10 years -- is likely to win the endorsement of more than 30 heads of state and the representatives of 130 other nations, including President Clinton, now slated to attend a special June 8-10 meeting at U.N. headquarters in New York, the officials said. The cost of the U.N. counterdrug plan has been estimated at roughly $3 billion to $4 billion over the next ten years, a roughly fourfold increase from what all governments combined would spend over the next decade at present levels to promote the substitution of legal crops for illegal ones in key producing nations, the officials said. But Clinton's top counterdrug aides have advised U.N. officials that Washington is unwilling to commit substantial new U.S. funds to the effort on grounds that the program remains unformed, has yet to attract support from key European and Middle Eastern donors, and would probably provoke political opposition at home from human rights activists and critics of the United Nations. "We are very supportive of the concept, but the hesitancy, the skepticism comes from the feeling that you just can't do it, that it is very unrealistic," said a White House official involved in planning for the U.N. conference. "You have governments that are difficult to deal with and [a] lack of governments in other countries. It is a challenge, to say the least," he said. Pino Arlacchi, a former Italian lawmaker who was appointed in September as the United Nations' chief counternarcotics official, nonetheless vows to pursue the plan. He told associates that the U.N. meeting should be "a turning point for the world to go forward with renewed energy on drug control," by embracing not only a vigorous new crop substitution effort but also a new series of related law enforcement and countertrafficking initiatives. Arlacchi's plan, which has been sketched out in a 170-page report entitled "Strategy for Coca and Opium Poppy Elimination," calls for promoting rural development and crop substitution to create legitimate employment alternatives to drug production in the nine principal growing nations for those two drugs: Afghanistan, Burma, Laos, Colombia, India, Mexico, Pakistan and Vietnam. According to U.N. estimates, the amount of land devoted to growing coca leaf or opium poppy in all these countries is just 4,500 square kilometers, or half the area of Puerto Rico. That gives supporters of the program hope that concentrated social development efforts can overcome the low success rate of traditional crop substitution efforts, which many experts say have failed due to the lack of infrastructure, such as roads and facilities for handling legal crops. Under the U.N. plan, progress in crop substitution would be monitored by reconnaissance satellites and through periodic inspections on the ground. In a telephone interview after his arrival in New York yesterday, Arlacchi said details of the plan can be fleshed out in the next year in conjunction with new appeals for funds. "The main difficulty [to overcome] . . . is a decade of pessimism, skepticism about the sheer possibility to be successful in the field of drugs," Arlacchi said. "Particularly in Western Europe [there is a widespread view] . . . that everything that is being done is wrong or unsuccessful." Arlacchi, who was appointed to his job after leading his government's successful effort to curb the influence of the Mafia, compared the remarks he hears now to claims at the beginning of the 1980s that "we were starting an impossible mission" in the fight against organized crime because victory would mean altering longstanding culture. He said that, already, a modest investment in the social and economic development of drug-growing regions in Pakistan has cut opium production from 800 to 20 tons a year. The key, he said, was the introduction of a crop of off-season onions that could be marketed throughout the year. Similar programs have achieved modest successes in Peru and Thailand. Arlacchi's tenure at the United Nations has been distinguished in part by his desire to try to work out new counterdrug arrangements with the political rulers of Afghanistan and Burma, the two countries that together cultivate 80 percent of the world's illicit opium poppies but remain in virtual diplomatic isolation. He has struck a deal with the leaders of the Taliban, the Islamic extremist party that now controls more than two-thirds of Afghanistan, to fund a series of small-scale development projects, such as the reconstruction of a factory in the province of Kandahar that will provide work for thousands of impoverished local citizens. The estimated $7 million cost of the project is to be drawn in part from past contributions by the United States, U.N. officials said. Last month, Arlacchi organized a similar pilot project in Burma, a country that the ruling military junta renamed Myanmar after it seized control from an elected political party in 1989. Washington has pledged $5 million toward the $15 million cost of the project, which is meant to promote rural development in that country's Shan state. In both nations, Arlacchi's idea is to create employment alternatives to drug-related work; and if the initial efforts are successful, he wants to spend an estimated $500 million there over the next decade. That would amount to a major new burst of foreign aid for both nations. But Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and other top U.S. officials have said that Washington generally opposes substantial new aid to Afghanistan so long as Taliban ideologues block women from access to education, jobs and health care. An influential Republican staff aide on Capitol Hill has also vowed to block funding for the Burma project. "The answer will be unequivocally no," said the staff member, who asked not to be named. "This is a country with a 400,000-man army and no external threat. It has no function but to continue to repress its own people. They have the capacity to carry out counterdrug campaigns if they want to." Moreover, the source said, "big, sweeping public relations stunts are not the way to go" in dealing with the global drug issue. Maureen Aung-Thwin, who directs the Soros Foundation's Open Society Institute Burma Project, said she, too, is skeptical that much progress can be made in Burma under the military government and worried that it would try to divert the aid toward military purchases. Arlacchi said he was aware of the criticism, but that he remains optimistic that Washington will eventually provide additional funds. "It is not by chance that drugs are produced in very remote and difficult countries," he said. "[But] what is the alternative? To do nothing and just blame these countries?" (c) Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company
------------------------------------------------------------------- US Said Balking At Funding For UN Anti-Drug Effort ('Reuters' Version) To: ntlist@Fornits.com From: Scott Dykstra (email@example.com) by way of Ginger Warbis (WebMistress@Fornits.com) From: ntlist Subject: [ntlist] US Balking? 12:42 AM ET 06/03/98 U.S. said balking at funding for UN anti-drug effort WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. officials are unwilling to commit new funds to an ambitious U.N. anti-drug effort, citing concerns about lack of support from key European and Middle Eastern donors, the Washington Post reported Wednesday. The newspaper said Washington told U.N. officials that the program, to be launched next week, remained unformed and would probably provoke political opposition at home from human rights activists and critics of the United Nations. ``We are very supportive of the concept, but the hesitancy, the skepticism comes from the feeling that you just can't do it, that it is very unrealistic,'' the Post quoted one White House official as saying. The cost of the counternarcotics program has been estimated at roughly $3 billion to $4 billion over the next 10 years, the Post reported. The plan aims to eradicate the world's entire production of heroin, cocaine and marijuana over 10 years. REUTERS
------------------------------------------------------------------- UN Television Ad Press Release - Please Distribute Widely (DrugSense Notes The Group Common Sense For Drug Policy Is Airing An Advertisement In Nine Major American Cities June 4-8 To Coincide With President Clinton's Appearance Before The United Nations General Assembly Special Session On Drug Control Policy - The Ad Features Clinton Giving The Speech He Ought To Deliver Before The United Nations, Stating Some Obvious Truths - The War On Drugs Is Not Being Won And It Will Never Succeed - URLs For RealVideo And .MPG Versions) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 06:41:45 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: Richard Lake (email@example.com) Subject: UN TV Ad Press Release: Please Distribute Widely Friends: The Clinton speaking at the UN ad will be aired in 9 US cities. The press release below provides details. This may be a useful event for Global Coalition organizations to reach out to their local media. You can let them know about your local effort and this national media blitz. Kevin *** The ad is online at the following webpage as a Realvideo: http://www.legalize-usa.org/video4.htm There also is an MPEG-1 version (7MB) at http://www.legalize-usa.org/_private/sense.mpg *** FOR RELEASE: 1:30 PM EST June, 3, 1998 FOR FURTHER INFORMATION: Kevin Zeese 703-354-5694 UN DRUG WAR SATIRIZED IN AD FEATURING PRESIDENT CLINTON AT THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY Washington, D.C.: Common Sense for Drug Policy is airing an advertisement featuring President Bill Clinton with the speech he ought to deliver before the United Nations stating some obvious truths: the war on drugs is not being won and it will never succeed. The advertisement will be shown on Cable News Network, Headline News and CNBC in New York City, Washington, D.C, Los Angeles, Miami, Boston, Chicago, Seattle, San Jose and San Francisco. The commercial is paid for and produced by the non-profit public policy foundation, Common Sense for Drug Policy and will be broadcast 216 times from June 4th to June 8th. The ad is being broadcast to coincide with President Clinton's appearance before the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drug Control Policy. The Clinton address is Monday, June 8th. The goal of the special session is creating a "Drug Free World." A voice imitating Clinton says what he should tell the UN. Kevin Zeese, President of Common Sense for Drug Policy, said this about his organization's opposition to the existing UN drug control policy: "Rather than employing effective drug control policies, the United States has spent hundreds of billions of dollars on policies that spread HIV/AIDS to the general public, incarcerate hundreds of thousands of non-violent offenders and fail to prevent adolescent drug use. President Clinton should discourage the rest of the world from following this failed policy. The only thing we learned from the US experience was a drug war - a law enforcement-based drug strategy - does not work." *** Drug War Satire to be Premiered *** When: Wednesday, June 3, 1998 at 1:00 PM EST Where: The United Nations, The Correspondents Club 45th Street and 1st Ave., Visitors Entrance (If need UN credentials arrive by 12:45) *** The script for the advertisement. *** VIDEO: Clinton walking into UN and then speaking at podium VOICE OVER: On June 8, the President Clinton will be addressing the United Nations about the war on drugs, this is what he should say: [Voice imitating Clinton is out of sync with his speaking] Do you think the war on drugs is a complete failure? I do. Do you think if we spend more money we'll win? Forget it. We're wasting 17 billion dollars a year now. And, because we put hundreds of thousands of people in prison for drug offenses, prisons are too full so we put violent criminals out on the street. Heck, we're causing more crime than we are stopping. Isn't time for a drug policy based on Common Sense?" Visit www.DrugSense.org Paid for by Common Sense for Drug Policy
------------------------------------------------------------------- Scholars Urge UN To Review Drug War ('The Stanford Report' Says At Least 10 Stanford University And Hoover Institution Scholars Are Among A Group Of Prominent Americans Signing An Open Letter To The United Nations Secretary General, Urging Him To Initiate A Critical Review Of The International Drug War When The General Assembly Holds A Special Session On Drugs June 8-10 In New York) Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 23:41:55 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA GE: Scholars Urge U.N. to Review Drug War Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family Source: Stanford Report Author: Kathleen O'toole Pubdate: Wednesday, June 3, 1998 Contact: stanford.report@forsythe Mail: News Service, Press Courtyard, Santa Teresa Street, Mail Code 2245, Stanford, CA 94305 Website: http://www-leland.stanford.edu/dept/news/report/index.html SCHOLARS URGE U.N. TO REVIEW DRUG WAR At least 10 Stanford or Hoover scholars are among a group of prominent Americans signing an open letter to the United Nations secretary general urging him to initiate a critical review of the international drug war when the General Assembly holds a special session on drugs June 8-10 in New York. "We believe that the global war on drugs is now causing more harm than drug abuse itself," the signers, organized by Hoover Institution Research Fellow Joseph McNamara, say. The letter, to be published in national newspapers before the General Assembly meeting, is signed by, among others, Donald Kennedy, president emeritus of Stanford and professor of biological sciences; Roger Noll, professor of economics and director of the public policy program; John Ferejohn, professor of political science and senior fellow at Hoover; sociologist Alex Inkeles, senior fellow emeritus at Hoover; economists Melvin Krauss and Thomas Moore, both senior fellows at Hoover; Miguel Mendez, professor of law; political scientist William Ratliff of Hoover; and Dr. Mark Vierra, assistant professor of surgery. McNamara said he was seeking more signers for the letter, which also has been signed by former Sen. Alan Cranston, D-Calif.; federal judges Robert Sweet of New York and John Kane of Denver; and San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan. McNamara, whose own research is focused on the drug war, has organized several conferences to bring together politicians, law enforcement officers, medical doctors and social scientists to discuss more effective policies for reducing the harm of drug addiction and marketing. The letter urges U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to lead a "frank and honest evaluation of global drug control efforts." It points out that U.N. and government policies on drug control have focused on criminalization and punishment without much success. "U.N. agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by the illegal drug industry at $400 million, or the equivalent of roughly 8 percent of total international trade. This industry has empowered organized criminals, corrupted governments at all levels, eroded internal security, stimulated violence and distorted both economic markets and moral values. These are the consequences not of the drug use per se, but of decades of failed and futile drug war policies," the signers assert. Because the signers include prominent people with differing political and professional backgrounds, McNamara said he hopes the letter "can influence the U.N. to at least do more than run a program fixed by the DEA [U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration]. The publicity surrounding the ads may well be the first step in forcing a debate on an irrational and essentially un-American policy which we all know can never work." A FULL TEXT OF THE LETTER FOLLOWS: Dear Secretary General, On the occasion of the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs in New York on June 8-10, 1998, we seek your leadership in stimulating a frank and honest evaluation of global drug control efforts. We are all deeply concerned about the threat that drugs pose to our children, our fellow citizens and our societies. There is no choice but to work together, both within our countries and across borders, to reduce the harms associated with drugs. The United Nations has a legitimate and important role to play in this regard but only if it is willing to ask and address tough questions about the success or failure of its efforts. We believe that the global war on drugs is now causing more harm than drug abuse itself. Every decade the United Nations adopts new international conventions, focused largely on criminalization and punishment, that restrict the ability of individual nations to devise effective solutions to local drug problems. Every year governments enact more punitive and costly drug control measures. Every day politicians endorse harsher new drug war strategies. What is the result? U.N. agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by the illegal drug industry at $400 billion, or the equivalent of roughly eight per cent of total international trade. This industry has empowered organized criminals, corrupted governments at all levels, eroded internal security, stimulated violence, and distorted both economic markets and moral values. These are the consequences not of drug use per se, but of decades of failed and futile drug war policies. In many parts of the world, drug war politics impede public health efforts to stem the spread of HIV, hepatitis and other infectious diseases. Human rights are violated, environmental assaults perpetrated and prisons inundated with hundreds of thousands of drug law violators. Scarce resources better expended on health, education and economic development are squandered on ever more expensive interdiction efforts. Realistic proposals to reduce drug-related crime, disease and death are abandoned in favor of rhetorical proposals to create drug-free societies. Persisting in our current policies will only result in more drug abuse, more empowerment of drug markets and criminals, and more disease and suffering. Too often those who call for open debate, rigorous analysis of current policies, and serious consideration of alternatives are accused of "surrendering." But the true surrender is when fear and inertia combine to shut off debate, suppress critical analysis, and dismiss all alternatives to current policies. Mr. Secretary General, we appeal to you to initiate a truly open and honest dialogue regarding the future of global drug control policies one in which fear, prejudice and punitive prohibitions yield to common sense, science, public health and human rights. *** Date: Fri, 05 Jun 1998 21:48:08 -0400 To: DrugSense News Service
From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA GE: Correction: RE: Scholars Urge U.N. to Review Drug War Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family Source: Stanford Report Author: Kathleen O'Toole Pubdate: Wednesday, June 3, 1998 Contact: stanford.report@forsythe Mail: News Service, Press Courtyard, Santa Teresa Street, Mail Code 2245, Stanford, CA 94305 Website: http://www-leland.stanford.edu/dept/news/report/index.html Editor's note: The above contact address, as posted yesterday, is incorrect. It should read: Contact: email@example.com A reader noticed the following in the article: "U.N. agencies estimate the annual revenue generated by the illegal drug industry at $400 million, or the equivalent of roughly 8 percent of total international trade. But the text of the letter clearly says $400 billion. I have sent a note to the editor of the Report asking if a correction will be printed. No response yet. The original post is on the website as follows. - Richard Lake, Sr. Editor at the DrugSense News Service http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n417.a10.html
------------------------------------------------------------------- Mexico To Prosecute Undercover US Customs Agents ('The New York Times' Says Mexico Has Advised The United States That It Will Seek The Extradition Of Prohibition Agents And Informers Who Carried Out The 'Operation Casablanca' Undercover Money-Laundering Sting On Mexican Soil, And Charge Them With Entrapment - Illegal In Mexico - Engaging In Money-Laundering, And Usurping The Authority Of Mexican Law Enforcement) Date: Tue, 9 Jun 1998 20:36:23 -0800 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Mexico: WIRE: Mexico To Prosecute Undercover U.S. Customs Agents Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Marcus-Mermelstein Family
Pubdate: Wed, 3 Jun 1998 at 8:45 p.m. PDT Source: New York Times Wire Service Author: Julia Preston New York Times MEXICO TO PROSECUTE UNDERCOVER U.S. CUSTOMS AGENTS MEXICO CITY -- Mexico has advised the United States that it will prosecute U.S. Customs agents and informers who carried out an undercover money-laundering operation on Mexican soil and will seek the agents' extradition to face criminal trial here. In a meeting on Monday in Caracas, Venezuela, Foreign Secretary Rosario Green of Mexico handed Secretary of State Madeleine Albright a list of Mexican laws that the customs agents violated, according to preliminary results of Mexican investigations. Mexico is preparing to accuse the agents of entrapment, engaging in money-laundering and usurping the authority of Mexican law enforcement, Ms. Green said in news interviews. ``Our legal action is going forward and that's final,'' Ms. Green told a Mexican radio interviewer on Tuesday. The three-year undercover operation, code-named Casablanca, was described by officials of the U.S. Customs Services as the largest and probably the most successful in U.S. law enforcement history. According to indictments in Los Angeles stemming from the investigation, employees of 12 Mexican banks laundered at least $110 million for drug organizations based in Colombia and Mexico. But the operation has badly shaken the close relations that the Clinton administration built with Mexico. U.S. officials embarrassed their Mexican counterparts by not informing them about the secret operation until hours before its results were announced publicly in Washington on May 18. Mexican officials have come under a barrage of criticism here for being cowed by the United States. The indictments in the case make it clear that several customs agents and confidential informers who did not work for the U.S. government met with bankers and narcotics dealers inside Mexico. The operations centered on a painstakingly constructed sting, a front company run by customs called Emerald Empire Corp. based near Los Angeles. Through this company, undercover customs agents received instructions from Colombian and Mexican traffickers and relayed them to bankers in Mexico. Customs also used elaborate ruses to lure Mexican bankers suspected of money-laundering out of Mexico so they could be arrested in the United States. Sting operations are illegal under Mexican law. At a meeting of the Organization of American States in Caracas, Ms. Albright acknowledged that ties with Mexico had been damaged. ``Obviously there needs to be better cooperation,'' she said. But Ms. Green said Ms. Albright issued a straightforward apology in the private meeting. Mexico's foreign minister said Ms. Albright was angry that she, too, had been left in the dark about the operation.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Drug Cartel Smashed, Mexicans Say ('The Los Angeles Times' Says Mexico's Top Anti-Drug Official, Mariano Herran Salvatti, Told Reporters In Mexico City Tuesday That Police Had Arrested The Suspected Leaders Of The Country's Main Synthetic Drug Cartel, Luis And Jesus Amezcua-Contreras, Dealing A Powerful Blow To Methamphetamine Trafficking Into California And Other American States) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 22:24:41 -0400 To: DrugSense News Service
From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Mexico: Drug Cartel Smashed, Mexicans Say Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Newshawk: Jim Rosenfield Source: Los Angeles Times (CA) Contact: email@example.com Fax: 213-237-4712 Website: http://www.latimes.com/ Pubdate: June 3, 1998 Author: James F. Smith, Times Staff Writer DRUG CARTEL SMASHED, MEXICANS SAY Crime: Authorities Capture Two Brothers Who Allegedly Ran Main Methamphetamine Ring. MEXICO CITY--Mexican authorities said Tuesday that they had smashed the country's main synthetic drug cartel, dealing a powerful blow to methamphetamine trafficking into California and other American states. Mexico's top anti-drug official, Mariano Herran Salvatti, told reporters that police arrested the suspected cartel leaders, Luis and Jesus Amezcua-Contreras, and seized 125 properties and businesses that were being used to smuggle the drugs and launder the profits. The brothers are both wanted in the United States. Jesus, described by authorities as the cartel leader, was indicted on drug-trafficking charges in San Diego in February 1993, and Luis was indicted in Los Angeles in December 1994 on methamphetamine and money-laundering charges. The apparent breakup of one of the country's major drug-trafficking cartels was a welcome victory for Mexican authorities, who have been embarrassed and angered by last month's U.S. money-laundering investigation resulting in the arrest of scores of suspects, including 26 Mexican bankers. Mexico has protested furiously that U.S. Customs Service and Drug Enforcement Administration investigators carried out the probe without informing their Mexican colleagues and did clandestine undercover work on Mexican soil. U.S. officials have apologized but said they had to maintain complete secrecy during the probe. Herran noted that U.S. officials had been kept informed of the Amezcua investigation, and he said it was a demonstration of the effective cooperation the two countries can achieve in the war against drug trafficking. In Washington, DEA Administrator Thomas A. Constantine commended the Mexican government for the arrests. "The Amezcua brothers run the largest methamphetamine and chemical trafficking organization identified by U.S. law enforcement," Constantine said, "and the arrest and removal of these two key leaders should significantly disrupt the established methamphetamine trade which is carried out by organized crime leaders in Mexico." The Amezcua brothers, including Adan, the alleged third leader of the cartel who was arrested in Mexico in November, began their careers working as smugglers for the Colombian cocaine cartels, according to U.S. and Mexican authorities. The brothers allegedly moved into methamphetamine in the late 1980s and built up contacts with Asian and European suppliers to obtain the chemicals needed to produce the drug. Herran described the brothers' business as Mexico's fourth-largest drug cartel, after the Juarez, Tijuana and Gulf cartels, which focus on cocaine trafficking. Authorities in Los Angeles announced in December that they had dismantled a large methamphetamine ring that was allegedly supplied by the Amezcuas. The 17 suspects, who purportedly worked for a Southland family called the Anguianos, were alleged to have set up three clandestine methamphetamine labs in Acton, Maywood and Apple Valley in San Bernardino County that could produce more than 600 pounds of drugs a day. That effort formed part of Operation Meta, a campaign to combat the surging methamphetamine trade across the United States. Herran called the Amezcua arrests the largest blow to drug traffickers in Mexico this year. Luis Amezcua was arrested in Guadalajara on Monday. Jesus was picked up in Mexico City on Tuesday. Copyright Los Angeles Times
------------------------------------------------------------------- Officer Aided Crime Bosses, Police Charge ('Vancouver Sun' In British Columbia Says Chiu Ping Philip Tsang Of The Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit Is To Appear In Provincial Court Today For Allegedly Passing Confidential Police Information To Organized Crime Figures) From: firstname.lastname@example.org (Matt Elrod) To: email@example.com Subject: Officer aided crime bosses, police charge Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 08:06:11 -0700 Lines: 115 Source: Vancouver Sun Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Wed 03 Jun 1998 News A1 / Front Officer aided crime bosses, police charge By: Lindsay Kines and Rick Ouston A 41-year-old officer in the Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit is to appear in provincial court today for allegedly passing confidential police information to organized crime figures. Chiu Ping Philip Tsang, a special constable investigator working under the ministry of the attorney-general, is a former member of the Royal Hong Kong Police Service. He has been charged with breach of trust, counselling to commit an offence and obstructing justice. Tsang had been assigned to the Asian organized crime section of CLEU for five years, and was arrested at his office about 9 a.m. Tuesday by RCMP major crime investigators. He is being held in custody at the Vancouver city police jail. RCMP media relations Sergeant Russ Grabb said more arrests are expected, and at least one individual under suspicion works in the criminal justice field. ``We're not looking at police officers,'' Grabb said. ``There's at least one other individual that we're looking at and, because the case is under investigation, we're obviously not in a position to elaborate.'' Tsang's arrest Tuesday followed a nine-month undercover investigation by the RCMP's major crime, drugs and customs and excise sections, as well as Vancouver city police. Grabb refused to say what prompted the investigation. ``There were concerns raised about police operations allegedly being compromised and confidential police information allegedly being passed on to the criminal element,'' he said. ``As a result of that, an investigation was ordered and it very quickly focused in one area on one individual.'' Grabb said four investigators were assigned to the probe full-time, but up to a dozen people were involved at any one time. Records at the B.C. Assessment Authority list a Philip Chiu Ping Tsang as owning a home on Erskine Street in Coquitlam. Tsang bought the home, currently valued at $257,000, in 1990, taking out a mortgage for $129,240. In 1996, Tsang was given a revolving line of credit for $150,000, at an interest rate of five per cent above prime rate, using the home as collateral, mortgage documents filed with the assessment authority show. Attorney-General Ujjal Dosanjh refused to comment on the arrest or the investigation Tuesday. Chris Beresford, an official in Dosanjh's ministry, said Tsang has been suspended without pay. Tsang and two other special investigators were hired amid much fanfare in 1993 to investigate triad members involved in drug trafficking, gambling, extortion, prostitution, money laundering, armed robbery and alien smuggling. CLEU claimed to be the first agency in Canada recruiting and hiring special investigators with full police powers. One officer was a former member of Hong Kong's Independent Commission Against Corruption. Tsang and the other officer were both ex-members of the Royal Hong Kong Police. CLEU officials said the three recruits were experts in investigating such crimes as counterfeiting, drivers' licence scams and other fraud cases. Sergeant Jim Fisher, the Asian organized crime coordinator with the Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada in Ottawa, said Tuesday he had no information about the Vancouver case and was surprised by the arrest. But the Vancouver city police officer assigned to CISC acknowledged that corruption is a serious concern for police investigating organized crime. A recent conference on Asian organized crime in Toronto featured two sessions on corruption. ``That's how important we believe the topic is,'' he said. ``One of them was dealing with police corruption; one of them was dealing with corporate corruption -- kickbacks, bribes, and that kind of thing.'' Fisher, an Asian crime expert, said one session was instructed by the Independent Commission Against Corruption. The other was instructed by Toronto and Vancouver officers. ``Organized crime -- not just Asian organized crime, but every aspect of organized crime -- tries to gain whatever advantage they can in dealing with the police, and corruption is one of them,'' he said. ``There's so much at stake.'' Fisher said one of his colleagues compares it to the Cold War. ``We've got spies on their side; they've got spies on our side. And it's intense all the time.'' Beresford said 175 people from the RCMP, municipal police departments and the provincial government work under the umbrella of CLEU, a joint-forces operation founded in 1974 to combat organized crime.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Is There A Virtual Jail? (Letter To The Editor Of 'The Calgary Sun' Lampoons Its Claim That 'Pot Is Already Virtually Decriminalized For Personal Use') From: email@example.com (Matt Elrod) To: firstname.lastname@example.org Subject: PUB LTE: Is there a virtual jail? Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 08:03:47 -0700 Lines: 12 Newshawk: email@example.com Source: Calgary Sun Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Pubdate: 03 Jun 1998 POT IS already virtually decriminalized for personal use? (Letters, May 31.) Is there a virtual jail? Give us a break indeed. L.W. (Indeed.)
------------------------------------------------------------------- Marijuana Not Banned Substance For Commonwealth Games Tests ('The Associated Press' Says Athletes Competing At This Year's British Commonwealth Games In Kuala Lumpur Will Not Be Stripped Of Their Medals If They Test Positive For Cannabis) Date: Thu, 04 Jun 1998 02:17:02 -0400 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Canada: Marijuana Not Banned Substance for Commonwealth Games Tests Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Newshawk: Patrick Henry Pubdate: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 Source: Associated Press MARIJUANA NOT BANNED SUBSTANCE FOR COMMONWEALTH GAMES TESTS VANCOUVER, British Columbia (AP) Athletes competing at this year's Commonwealth Games in Kuala Lumpur will not be stripped of their medals if they test positive for marijuana. "We are not interested in marijuana because it isn't a restricted drug in any of the Commonwealth sports, so we don't take any notice of it," Dr. Geoffrey Haigh, honorary medical advisor for the Commonwealth Games Federation, said Wednesday. "It's not an issue." Marijuana testing and concerns over pollution in the Malaysian capital were two topics discussed during a Commonwealth Games Federation meeting Haigh attended last week in Kuala Lumpur. Asked if an athlete testing positive for marijuana would be stripped of their medal, Haight said: "No. Never was." Marijuana became an issue at this year's Winter Olympic Games when traces of pot were found in Canadian snowboarder Ross Rebagliati's urine sample. The International Olympic Committee stripped the Whistler, British Columbia, resident of the gold medal he won in the men's giant slalom even though Rebagliati claimed he was a victim of second-hand smoke. The IOC's decision was later overturned and the medal reinstated by the Court of Arbitration for Sport, which ruled there was no clear provision for marijuana testing at the Olympic Games. Embarrassed by the fiasco, the IOC's executive board agreed in April to draft new provisions in the Olympic Charter and the IOC medical code. IOC officials said marijuana would be added to the banned list and any athletes testing positive for the drug would be disqualified. Haigh said the Commonweath Games Federation follows the IOC rules, but to date marijuana has not officially been named a banned substance. "Since it is not at present listed as a banned substance, we are following last year's list, if you like," he said.
------------------------------------------------------------------- DrugSense Weekly, Number 49 (Summary Of Drug Policy News For Activists, From DrugSense) Date: Wed, 03 Jun 1998 09:55:05 -0700 To: email@example.com From: Mark Greer (MGreer@mapinc.org) Subject: DrugSense Weekly, June 3, 1998 No. 049 *** DRUGSENSE WEEKLY *** DrugSense Weekly, June 3,1998 No. 049 A DrugSense publication http://www.drugsense.org/ *** TABLE OF CONTENTS: Feature Article DEA Moves Toward Use of Herbicides for Marijuana Eradication Efforts by Paul Armentano Weekly News In Review Drug War Policy- The Nature of Drug-Trafficking Networks The Militarization of the Drug War in Latin America Raiders Net Millions, Ton Of Cocaine Prisons- Australia - Jail Chief Tells of Drug Scams Ireland - Addicts At The Mercy Of Jail's 'drug Supermarket' US - Drug dealing in Marion County Jails Under Investigation Mexico- Big Night Out Ended Drug Sting Clinton Expresses Regret Over Mexico Drug Sting Anti-Drug Cooperation In Jeopardy, Mexico Tells U.S. Medical Marijuana- Summit on Medical Marijuana Distribution Crucifying St. Peter International News- Columbia - War? What war? Colombians don't want to know A Drug Trade Primer for the Late 1990's Hot Off The 'Net CNN reform ad and Stossel piece now on-line DrugSense Tip Of The Week What YOU can do Quote of the Week *** FEATURE ARTICLE *** DEA Moves Toward Use of Herbicides Within the US in Marijuana Eradication Effort by Paul Armentano Director of Publications, The NORML Foundation The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) completed a series of public hearings this spring evaluating the environmental and health hazards posed by the agency's use of herbicides in the federal Domestic Cannabis Eradication Suppression Program. Public and written testimony from the forums will be included in the agency's forthcoming document: Cannabis Eradication in the Contiguous United States and Hawaii, Supplement to the Environmental Impact Statements. The agency has not conducted a review of their program since 1986. A pivotal issue for drug reform activists and environmentalists regarding the DEA's eradication program lies in the potential safety threat the program poses for humans and the environment. Of particular concern are the dangers posed by the aerial application of the herbicide glyphosate (aka Round Up) on patches of wild growing ditchweed. Environmental journals have long criticized the aerial use of the herbicide glyphosate in marijuana eradication efforts. A report in the February 1993 issue of Global Pesticide Campaigner called the tactic "unsuccessful" and highlighted the chemical's potential dangers. "Reports from other countries where aerial spraying has been used in anti-drug programs are not encouraging," it states. "International health workers in Guatemala report acute poisonings in peasants living in areas near eradication spraying, while farmers in these zones have sustained serious damage to their crops." Last year, a June 5 Reuters News article reaffirmed these dangers. "There is a high risk in aerial spraying [of the herbicide," Louis Eduardo Perra, senior researcher at Colombia's National Drug Council, told the news wire. "There is a risk to those who may be exposed on the ground. There is a risk of contamination in our rivers." The winter 1995 edition of the Journal of Pesticide Reform reported similar cases in the U.S. "In California, ... glyphosate was the third most commonly reported pesticide illness among agricultural workers," the journal reported. "Among landscape maintenance workers, glyphosate was the most commonly reported cause." The author added that, "Glyphosate exposure damages or reduces the population of many animals, including beneficial insects, fish, birds, and earthworms, [and] in some cases is directly toxic." The journal also stated that aerial application of the drug poses an even greater danger to the environment. "In general, movement of a pesticide through unwanted drift is unavoidable; drift of glyphosate is no exception." The article emphasized that glyphosate drift is a "particularly significant problem ... [because] damage is likely to be much more extensive and more persistent than with many other herbicides." Studies conducted regarding the aerial spraying of glyphosate in the early 1990s demonstrated that between 41 and 82 percent of glyphosate applied from helicopters moves off the target site. In addition, two studies conducted in Canada measured glyphosate residues more than 650 feet away from target areas following helicopter applications to forest sites and a third study from California found glyphosate over 2,600 feet away following aerial application. First hand experiences from Hawaii -- the only state where the DEA regularly sprays glyphosate from aircraft -- illustrate the dangers inherent to the agency's eradication efforts. According to area physician, Patricia Bailey, M.D., who first contacted NORML in 1996, the DEA's eradication program directly threatens the health of area residents and poisons wildlife. At that time, Bailey collected incident reports from some 40 persons, aged nine months to 84 years, who claim that they have been adversely affected by the spray. She cited generalized symptoms of eye and respiratory tract irritation. She further noted that about 75 percent of respondents suffered from diarrhea. This summer, Oklahoma law enforcement will begin routinely spraying glyphosate from low flying aircraft in their DEA-sponsored marijuana eradication activities. (Ninety-six percent of the total marijuana plants eliminated annually in Oklahoma by the program are wild growing hemp.) Many drug reform activists fear that law enforcement in several other mid-western states will also begin engaging in this activity, therefore making the DEA's 1998 environmental review pivotal to the health and safety of millions of Americans. According to the published literature and anecdotal reports from Hawaii, glyphosate -- particularly when applied from low flying aircraft -- poses a real threat to the health and safety of residents and the environment. This herbicide's demonstrated threat to public safety greatly overshadows any alleged problems ditchweed may pose for law enforcement. Unfortunately, however, it appears unlikely that the DEA will discontinue these practices despite growing evidence and mounting public criticism. A final version of the DEA's Supplement to the Environmental Impact Statement is due out in three to six months. Endnotes: 1 Elsa Nivia, et al. "Drug Control and Herbicide Spraying in Columbia," Global Pesticide Campaigner, February 1993. 2 "Columbia expert warns on drug spraying," Reuters News Service, June 5, 1997. 3 Caroline Cox, "Glyphosate, Part 2: Human Exposure and ecological Effects," Journal of Pesticide Reform, 15, 1995. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Office of the State Auditor, State Auditor's Report on the Domestic Cannabis Eradication Suppression Program and the Edward Byrne Memorial Grant (Montpelier, Vermont: January 16, 1998). Paul Armentano, 26, is the Director of Publications for The NORML Foundation in Washington D.C. Armentano testified before the DEA on May 27, 1998, in opposition to the continued use of herbicides in the federal Domestic Cannabis Eradication Suppression Program. (Copies of Armentano's testimony are available upon request from The NORML Foundation at (202) 483-8751.) *** WEEKLY NEWS IN REVIEW *** Domestic News- Policy *** COMMENT: The April issue of Current History was entirely devoted to "Narcopolitics," and contains several good articles. This one is a detailed analysis of why criminal organizations have been so consistently able to enlarge their illicit drug markets in the face of intense law enforcement opposition. While the author doesn't come to the conclusion that police are permanently overmatched, it's the only one possible for an intelligent reader. The second article is from the same source and explains clearly The policy behind many of the disturbing stories emanating from Latin America and our border with Mexico. Mike Gray's "Drug Crazy," due in bookstores this week, opens with a comparison modern Chicago's illegal drug market the criminal alcohol market of seventy years ago. The numbers in the Chicago Tribune story say it all- any illegal market which can risk that much product to interdiction is thriving, no matter what claims of success the drug czar might make. *** THE NATURE OF DRUG-TRAFFICKING NETWORKS There are many reasons why the war on drugs has failed. One of the most important has been the inability of law enforcement efforts and military interdiction to degrade, disrupt, or destroy the networks trafficking drugs into the United States and Western Europe. This inability stems from a failure to understand fully the structure of these networks and their capacity to counter or circumvent law enforcement and military interdiction. [snip] Source: Current History Website: http://www.current history.com/ Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Pubdate: April 1998 Author: Phil Williams *** THE MILITARIZATION OF THE DRUG WAR IN LATIN AMERICA Despite the end of the cold war and the transitions toward more democratic societies in Latin America, the United States has launched a number of initiatives that strengthen the power of Latin American security forces, increase the resources available to them, and expand their role within society-precisely when struggling civilian elected governments are striving to keep them in check. Rather than encouraging Latin American militaries to limit their role to the defense of national borders, Washington has instead provided the training, resources, and doctrinal justification for militaries to move into the business of building roads and schools, offering veterinary and child inoculation services, and protecting the environment. Of greatest concern, however, is America's insistence that the region's armed forces - including the United States military itself - play a significant role in domestic counter narcotics operations, a law enforcement function reserved in most democracies for civilian police [snip] Source: Current History Contact: email@example.com Pubdate: April 1998 Author: Peter Zirnite Section: Page 166 Note: This article is being posted in two parts. Part 1 of 2. URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n394.a02.html *** RAIDERS NET MILLIONS, TON OF COCAINE Authorities said Wednesday they have seized more than 1 1/2 tons of cocaine and several million dollars in cash by cracking a drug ring that shipped narcotics to Chicago in 18-wheelers and used a West Side produce company as a drop-off point. One suspect was caught red-handed carrying a large duffel bag filled with cash outside his Southwest Side home, officials said. Inside the residence, Drug Enforcement Administration agents said they discovered some $5 million in mostly small bills. [snip] Pubdate: Thu, 28 May 1998 Source: Chicago Tribune ( IL) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.chicago.tribune.com/ Author: Matt O'Connor URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n398.a10.html *** Prisons *** COMMENT: One of the great ironies of the drug war is the inability of prison Administrations to prevent drug sales within their tightly controlled domains; as attested to in news articles from 3 separate countries during the past week. *** JAIL CHIEF TELLS OF DRUG SCAMS ABOUT a third of criminals in the State's toughest jail use drugs. And prison bosses admit they can only curb the flow inside - but never stamp it out. Casuarina Prison deputy superintendent James Schilo admitted a crackdown on prison visits - the main source of drugs - would have disastrous consequences. "Casuarina is a $100 million asset. I believe if we were to have non-contact visits for all prisoners we would lose the prison within a matter of hours - they would burn it down," Mr Schilo said. [snip] Pubdate: Sun, 24 May 1998 Source: Sunday Times ( Australia) Contact: email@example.com URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n383.a04.html *** ADDICTS AT THE MERCY OF JAIL'S 'DRUG SUPERMARKET' Dermot Fitzpatrick spent 18 years taking heroin and spent most of that time in prison. He describes prison as being "like a drugs supermarket". "You walk around for a while and you'll have four or five people asking you what you're looking for. They're actually selling drugs. "There are non-users sharing with addicts who are leaving syringes and spikes all over the cells. People are going down to Portlaoise and Shelton Abbey just to get away from it, and their families have major difficulty in visiting them [snip] Source: Irish Times Author: Roddy O'Sullivan Pubdate: 25 May 1998 Contact: The Irish Times, 11-15 D'Olier St, Dublin 2, Ireland Fax: ++ 353 1 671 9407 URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n387.a04.html *** DRUG DEALING IN MARION COUNTY JAILS UNDER INVESTIGATION INDIANAPOLIS -- Investigators are seeking the source of illegal drugs in two Marion County jail facilities. The wife of one inmate under investigation testified she received money orders at home from strangers. Another inmate tested positive for cocaine after a three-day stay behind bars. The apparently unrelated incidents involve the six-month-old Marion County Jail II, a privately run facility, and the Marion County Lockup. [snip] Source: The Indianapolis Star Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.starnews.com/ Pubdate: 26 May 1998 Author: George McLaren, Indianapolis Star/News URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n401.a04.html *** Mexico *** COMMENT: Mexico continues to be a difficult arena for US law enforcement. A successful "sting" implicating leading Mexican banks reported triumphantly on the 21st became yet another embarrassing international incident when it turned out that it had been conducted entirely without notification of the Mexican government. Clinton's hasty apology on the 26th apparently did little to heal bruised feelings. *** BIG NIGHT OUT ENDED DRUG STING The dozen men appeared to be just another gathering of high-rolling, well heeled business executives who had traveled by private jet to discuss a major deal over dinner and drinks at a casino designed to look like a set from a classic Bogart movie. After dinner, a convoy of limousines arrived to whisk the men from the Casablanca Casino Resort in Mesquite, Nevada, 75 miles ( 120 kilometers) across the desert for a night on the town in Las Vegas. [snip] The Saturday night limousine roundup on the outskirts of Las Vegas ---as described Tuesday by U.S. Customs authorities familiar with the operation---was part of what law enforcement officials describe as the largest drug-money laundering case in U.S. history, note that for the first time tied Mexico's banking system directly to the wholesale cleansing of illicit drug profits. [snip] Source: International Herald-Tribune Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.iht.com/ Pubdate: May 21, 1998 Author: Molly Moore and Douglas Farah, Washington Post Service URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n382.a04.html *** CLINTON EXPRESSES REGRET OVER MEXICO DRUG STING WASHINGTON -- President Clinton, responding to a complaint by Mexico, told President Ernesto Zedillo the United States should have informed Mexican authorities about an undercover U.S. money-laundering sting in that country, the White House said Tuesday. "President Clinton expressed regret that better prior consultation had not been possible in this case," spokesman Mike McCurry said, confirming Clinton called Zedillo after the Mexican leader condemned the secret use of American undercover agents inside his country. [snip] Source: Associated Press Pubdate: 26 May 1998 Author: Laura Myers, Associated Press URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n390.a02.html *** ANTI-DRUG COOPERATION IN JEOPARDY, MEXICO TELLS U.S. Diplomacy: Money-laundering sting by Americans angers officials. Probe has damaged nation's trust, they say. MEXICO CITY--Operation Casablanca, the biggest money-laundering investigation in U.S. history, has so incensed Mexican officials that they are now warning it will damage vital anti-drug cooperation with the American government. The diplomatic row has cast a pall over an operation that the Clinton administration hailed as a success earlier this month. [snip] Pubdate: Sat, 30 May 1998 Source: Los Angeles Times ( CA) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.latimes.com/ Author: Mary Beth Sheridan URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n403.a01.html *** Medical Marijuana *** COMMENT: This week's update of the ongoing California struggle over Prop.215 sees the once seemingly invulnerable San Francisco club firmly closed down. A well intentioned "summit" in Sacramento which could be called "too little, too late, " might have been more helpful a year ago. However, given the demonstrated antipathy of law enforcement, even that's doubtful. That antipathy was exemplified by the shabby treatment of Peter Baez, co-founder of the San Jose club, at the hands of the San Jose police, as detailed in a local Silicon Valley newspaper. *** SUMMIT ON MEDICAL MARIJUANA DISTRIBUTION Officials Suggest Ways to Distribute Medical Marijuana Legislature: Amid legal dispute over Prop. 215, Senate committee hears testimony from state, local leaders. SACRAMENTO--Faced with a federal crackdown on California's cannabis clubs, local and state officials brainstormed Tuesday about alternative ways to distribute medical marijuana to those with AIDS, cancer and other diseases. At a hearing before a state Senate committee, the officials--joined by dozens of medical marijuana advocates--agreed that the easiest answer was to make marijuana available in pharmacies. [snip] Source: Los Angeles Times Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.latimes.com/ Pubdate: Wed, 27 May 1998 Author: Jenifer Warren, Times Staff Writer URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n391.a02.html *** CRUCIFYING ST. PETER While spouting rhetoric supporting the Compassionate Use Act, local officials launch an attack against the man they once called a hero 'LUCY VALENZUELA" does not want to reveal her real name because she is afraid of being seen as a criminal. To control her almost constant pain, the 56-year-old San Jose woman, whose hands are disfigured from diabetic nerve damage and who walks with crutches, likes to smoke a bit of marijuana. [snip] Until recently, Valenzuela believed the government--via the will of the people--had agreed to allow her to do this in peace. Now she's not so sure. Until last month, Valenzuela was a client of the Santa Clara County Medical Cannabis Center. When San Jose police arrested founder Peter Baez in March and seized its records, they decided that Valenzuela was not a legitimate patient. Now she is known in court documents as Buyer Number 5. [snip] Source: The Metro ( Silicon Valley's Weekly Newspaper) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Pubdate: From the May 28-June 3, 1998 issue of Metro. Author: Eric Johnson URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n398.a11.html *** International News *** COMMENT: Another important article from April Current history, this offers a useful overview of US drug prohibition policy in present day Latin America. Since this area is a very likely source of destabilizing new developments, it deserves our full attention. This is another article which deserves to be read in its entirety. The Toronto Star piece describes social and political chaos in Colombia on the eve of national elections. It would be an exaggeration to claim that all that nation's problems stem from the illegal drug markets created by US policy, however, it's impossible to visualize a "solution" while those markets still exist. *** A DRUG TRADE PRIMER FOR THE LATE 1990S Since the late 1980s, drugs have become public enemy number one in the West, embodying the "new lack of order" that characterizes the post-cold war world. By advancing the theory of "the scourge of drugs," Western nations have above all sought to reemploy the geopolitical tools that had been rusting under the influence of what was perhaps hastily described as the "new world order." The drug system operates on a global scale that recognizes neither nationality nor borders. It is governed by the rules of supply and demand, dumping, and even bartering. As with the effective marketing of any product at the end of the twentieth century; the drug system involves strategies and tactics that bring radically different civilizations, attitudes, and principles into contact, affecting them in various ways depending on the drugs involved. Although an integral part of local and regional history; the system of producing and marketing drugs is nonetheless very different from that of any other product, whether legal or not. Everything connected with drugs is at the same time "modern" and "traditional," "international" and "local." In short, drugs are the barely distorted reflection of the problems involved in managing the world at the dawn of the third millennium. [snip] Source: Current History Contact: email@example.com Pubdate: April 1998 Author: Geopolitical Drug Watch URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n386.a06.html *** WAR? WHAT WAR? COLOMBIANS DON'T WANT TO KNOW Peace seems just an afterthought as a blood-soaked country gets ready to vote Toronto Star Latin America Bureau SAN JOSE, Colombia THE WOMAN is belligerent. She is feeding her own children, as well as refugee kids, and has no time for questions from a Canadian reporter. ``What good does it do to tell the world about the killings in Colombia?'' asks Dora Maria, a respected teacher in this jungle village in Antioquia province. [snip] ``Things are very complicated. But maybe until things get much more complicated, nothing is going to get better in Colombia,'' says Maria Teresa Ronderos, political commentator and editor of the magazine La Nota Economica. ``We are in a situation where the guerrillas and paramilitaries have become huge powers in Colombia. And, yet, I honestly don't believe the political and economic establishment is truly aware of that fact.'' It is a stunning statement. How can people not be aware? [snip] Source: Toronto Star ( Canada) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.thestar.com/ Pubdate: 30 May 1998 Author: Linda Diebel URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v98.n401.a02.html *** HOT OFF THE 'NET *** There will be a pro reform TV ad on CNN run 100+ times in the next four days! It depicts Clinton voicing what he should "really" be saying at the UN. It was put together by Common Sense for Drug Policy and is great media winner during this important time. Thanks to Rolf Ernst at Legalize-USA for the quick assistance in getting this available to all our on-line friends. It will only run in DC and NY so it's good that all can view it. *** The ad is on-line at the following web page as a Realvideo: http://www.legalize-usa.org/video4.htm There also is an MPEG-1 version (7MB) at http://www.legalize-usa.org/_private/sense.mpg *** The *outstanding* ABC Special "Sex, Drugs, and Consenting Adults with John Stossel is also now on-line at: http://www.legalize-usa.org/video4.htm *** TIP OF THE WEEK *** Help and volunteerism is what we're about. If you have the abilities and/or desire we need help in the following categories: 1) Letter writers. Read the DrugSense weekly and select an article that motivates you then write a letter using the email address usually provided with the article. Alternately write a letter of response to our weekly FOCUS Alert Subscribe to this by visiting: http://www.drugsense.org/hurry.htm 2) NewsHawks. Find news articles on drug policy issues and either scan or copy them and forward them to email@example.com This can be done by monitoring any of hundreds of on-line newspapers or by scanning articles from you local paper. See: http://www.mapinc.org/hawk.htm 3) Recruiters. Visit newsgroups, email chat lists, and other sources for large groups of reform minded people and encourage them to visit our web pages, subscribe to our DrugSense Weekly newsletter and t get involved. 4) Fundraise. We are always short of funding either contribute or try to find others to do so. 5) Start a local reform group in your state or country. If you have 20 people who will help do the above types of activities we will provide a free email list to coordinate your groups activities and provide guidance to get you started. *** QUOTE OF THE WEEK *** `The more corrupt the state, the more numerous the laws' - Tacitus, Annals III 27 - *** DS Weekly is one of the many free educational services DrugSense offers our members. Watch this feature to learn more about what DrugSense can do for you. News-COMMENTS-Editor: Tom O'Connell (firstname.lastname@example.org) Senior-Editor: Mark Greer (email@example.com) We wish to thank all our contributors and Newshawks. NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. REMINDER: Please help us help reform. Send any news articles you find on any drug related issue to firstname.lastname@example.org PLEASE HELP: DrugSense provides this service at no charge BUT IT IS NOT FREE TO PRODUCE. We incur many costs in creating our many and varied services. If you are able to help by contributing to the DrugSense effort please Make checks payable to MAP Inc. send your contribution to: The Media Awareness Project (MAP) Inc. d/b/a DrugSense PO Box 651 Porterville, CA 93258 (800) 266 5759 MGreer@mapinc.org http://www.mapinc.org/ http://www.drugsense.org/ *** Mark Greer Media Awareness Project (MAP) inc. d/b/a DrugSense MGreer@mapinc.org http://www.DrugSense.org/ http://www.mapinc.org -------------------------------------------------------------------
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