------------------------------------------------------------------- Grapevine-Colleyville Trustees Asked To Reject Drug Testing ('The Dallas Morning News' Says School Superintendent Jim Thompson Has Recommended That Trustees Vote Monday Against Random Urine Tests For High School Athletes - The Risk Of A Civil Rights Lawsuit Is Too Great Since Recent Surveys Found No Evidence That Teens Involved In Such Activities Abuse Drugs More Than Other Students) Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 00:37:10 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US TX: Grapevine-Colleyville Trustees Asked To Reject Drug Testing Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org Source: Dallas Morning News Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.dallasnews.com Pubdate: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 Author: Kelly Ryan / The Dallas Morning News GRAPEVINE-COLLEYVILLE TRUSTEES ASKED TO REJECT DRUG TESTING GRAPEVINE - Grapevine-Colleyville school Superintendent Jim Thompson has recommended that trustees vote Monday against random drug tests for high school students who participate in extracurricular activities. Dr. Thompson told school board members in a memo last week that recent surveys found no evidence that teens involved in such activities abuse drugs more than other students. "That leaves us very vulnerable regarding the key legal defense issues of how we would fare if we were [legally] challenged," Dr. Thompson said. "We would rather put our energies into other efforts that would include prevention and rehabilitation, rather than costly lawsuits." Trustees last month postponed a decision on the drug tests so they could gather information about the policy's legality. More than 20 parents and students spoke out against the proposal when it was considered by the school board last month. School board President Janice Kane said that the board needed to gauge the "true needs" of the community before voting on the drug tests. "Some of those statistics in that data didn't indicate that that [testing] was necessarily where we needed to direct our energies," she said. School board member Alan Linford, who asked school officials to draft a drug-testing policy, said the tests were never meant as a solution to the drug problem. He said the tests could be considered again in the future. "It was only one potential tool in the whole arsenal that we have," he said. "Our goal is not to have drug testing. Our goal is to give kids the tools to resist drugs." Diana Philip, regional director of the American Civil Liberties Union, said the district would open itself to legal challenges if the drug tests were implemented as had been planned.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Drop DARE, Urges Shorewood Panel ('The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel' Says A Committee Consisting Of Teachers, Staff And Parents Has Recommended That The Shorewood, Wisconsin, School District Replace The Counterproductive DARE Program With 'Life Skills,' Published By Princeton Press, For Students In The Sixth, Seventh And Eighth Grades) Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 01:18:20 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US WI: Drop DARE, Urges Shorewood Panel Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org Pubdate: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 Source: Milwaukee Journal Sentinel (WI) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.jsonline.com/ Author: Marie Rohde, Journal Sentinel staff DROP DARE, URGES SHOREWOOD PANEL Schools committee concludes anti-drug-abuse program is ineffective The Shorewood School District has all but abandoned DARE, the police-taught anti-drug program used in 78% of the state's schools, after a study concluded that it might be worse than not having any anti-drug effort. "It was kind of like discovering that the emperor had no clothes," said Cecilia Hillard, a member of a Shorewood committee that studied the issue and a professor at the Medical College of Wisconsin who has done extensive research on the effects of drug abuse. "The data were so strong that either DARE has no effect, or that in suburban communities like Shorewood it could be worse than having no program at all." The Shorewood committee, consisting of teachers, staff and parents, has recommended that DARE, which is given to students in the fifth, sixth and seventh grades, be replaced with Life Skills, a program published by Princeton Press, for the sixth, seventh and eighth grades. The middle school years are the core age group for any anti-drug program. A minor component of DARE would continue to be taught by police to third-graders in three sessions. The committee is considering what materials will be used in other grade levels, but DARE materials are not likely candidates. The committee rejected DARE, an acronym for Drug Abuse Resistance Education, saying it has been shown to be ineffective and "the materials for intermediate school are simplistic to the point of being insulting to our students." They also criticized the materials as dull and the emphasis on criminal justice consequences as too narrow. Shorewood's action on the DARE program is unusual locally but not unique. Cedarburg has dropped all but a small portion of DARE; Wauwatosa has established a committee to look at its effectiveness; Cudahy has a less extensive program taught by police and, in Whitefish Bay, it is "on life support." "We were asked to cut it from 17 to 12 weeks because of academic demands," Whitefish Bay Police Chief Gary Mikulec said. "It cannot be pared down any more and still be considered a DARE program." According to a consultant for the state Department of Public Instruction, 78% of the state's more than 400 school districts have DARE programs, and only a handful have abandoned it. In Waukesha County, the program is overwhelmingly accepted and supported. It continues to thrive in the county's public and parochial schools and neither Waukesha County District Attorney Paul Bucher nor Menomonee Falls Police Officer Richard Schwabenlander, president of the Waukesha County DARE Officers Association, has heard of any efforts to replace or scale back the program. "My biggest complaint has always been that people expect way too much out of the DARE program," Bucher said. "When it doesn't solve all adolescent drug and alcohol problems, they declare it a failure. It's just not the silver bullet and it is not meant to be." The program was developed in 1983 by former Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates and the public school district there. For nearly a decade, the program has been by far the nation's most popular anti-drug effort, the primary means of trying to prevent children from becoming involved with drugs, alcohol, tobacco and gangs. But it has had its critics, both conservative and liberal, and many communities -- notably Seattle, Oakland, Calif., and Columbus, Ohio -- have opted to use other drug education programs. Those communities also questioned whether DARE was the most effective program. James A. Holstein, a sociology professor at Marquette University and a Shorewood committee member, brought together the major research on drug abuse prevention programs for inclusion in a report to school officials. "There are no published reports in peer-reviewed, scientific journals that find DARE to have generalized positive effects on student drug, alcohol and tobacco use," he said in his report to the Shorewood School Board. Several studies found that it has had no effect on general drug use and is less effective than other programs that are available. The only literature of DARE's effectiveness came from DARE-produced literature, "but there is reason to be skeptical since the pamphlet does not report technical information," Holstein said. Perhaps the most damning study was done over a period of several years by the Criminal Justice Department at the University of Illinois-Chicago. Not only were there no long-term positive behavioral effects found but "the study also shows that suburban students in communities like Shorewood appear to exhibit a 'boomerang' effect. That is, students exposed to DARE appear to be more likely to be involved with drugs than students not exposed to DARE," Holstein said. Holstein's report did not include statistics from the Chicago study, but in looking at Shorewood drug surveys, he drew the same conclusion about the "boomerang" effect. A self-reporting survey of drug, alcohol and tobacco use by Shorewood high school students was done in 1992. Those students had not been through the DARE program. Holstein compared the results of that study to the results of a 1995 survey of high school students, who would have been DARE graduates. He found a higher incidence of alcohol, drug and tobacco use in the students surveyed in 1995, a finding not inconsistent with the University of Illinois study. For example, 90% of the Shorewood seniors surveyed in 1995 said they had tried marijuana and 23% said they used it more than 40 times a year. Nearly 8% of the seniors and 7% of the juniors said they felt they were "hooked" on drugs or alcohol, all significantly higher than those surveyed in 1992. If the bulk of the research has panned DARE, it has still continued to be the program of choice nationally. Holstein quotes Richard R. Clayton, a professor of sociology at the University of Kentucky who has studied the program, to explain this apparent contradiction: DARE is the program of choice "because it makes all important groups (parents, teachers, administrators, police, politicians) 'feel good.' " The Shorewood committee members said that having uniformed police officers in the classroom created a rapport beneficial to police as well as to the rest of the community. But the curriculum was a problem. The committee began meeting last August and its members had considerable expertise in the field. The membership included Holstein, the Marquette University sociologist; Hillard, a researcher on the effects of drug abuse; a child psychiatrist, a psychologist, a social worker and the coordinator of Shorewood Responds, a community program that deals with the use of alcohol, tobacco and drug abuse by minors. They decided to look at the curriculum for the program in the same way they would look at a curriculum for math, English or anything else taught in the district. "From then on we were looking at it as scientists," said Hillard. "But we are also parents and we were looking at what would be best for our kids." DARE was one of five programs assessed. It was also the only one not endorsed by the National Council on Drug Abuse as an effective program. Of the 16 criteria the committee used to evaluate the programs, DARE fared better than the others in only one category -- the inclusion of community and parents. Overall, it got the lowest grade of the programs examined. DARE supporters complain that because of its prominence, DARE has been put under the microscope in a way that other programs have not. Could Life Skills just be the untested program du jour, one that will soon be deemed ineffective? Hillard says that may be true of some of the more than 100 programs available, but Life Skills has been studied more than any program other than DARE. Life Skills approaches a broader range of behaviors and decision-making situations. DARE, she said, emphasizes the negative consequences of decision-making, largely from a criminal justice viewpoint. Life Skills emphasizes all the possible choices and possible consequences, with legal ramifications viewed as only a part of that, she said. Still, there is a place for police involvement in the schools, according to Shorewood school authorities. "There is a role there for them and we hope they will participate," said school Superintendent Jack Linehan. "But this is a wonderful example of local control, of a community deciding what is best for its schools and its students." Shorewood Police Chief Robert Surdyk said his department has found that the DARE officer's participation in the program not only helped deliver the anti-drug message but also enhanced the relationship between officers and the students. "We have a liaison officer in the high school but he doesn't get a lot of walk-ins who just want to say 'hi' to Officer Friendly," Surdyk said. "There are a lot of kids who come up to the DARE officer just to talk, years after they've finished the program." Betsy Thatcher of the Journal Sentinel staff contributed to this report.
------------------------------------------------------------------- There's No Value In Repeating The Drug Watch Experiment (Ken Hartnett, Editor Of 'The Standard-Times' In New Bedford, Massachusetts, Explains Why He Discontinued The Newspaper's 'Drug Watch,' A Daily Portrait Gallery Of The Men And Women Hauled Into Court On 'Narcotics' Charges)Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 11:10:06 -0700 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US MA: Editorial: There's No Value in Repeating the Drug Watch Experiment Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: John Smith Source: Standard-Times (MA) Contact: YourView@S-T.com Website: http://www.s-t.com/ Pubdate: Monday 22 June 1998 Author: Ken Hartnett, editor of The Standard-Times THERE'S NO APPARENT VALUE IN REPEATING THE DRUG WATCH EXPERIMENT You don't have to sit for long in the editor's chair to understand and share Jim Ragsdale's rage at drug trafficking and what it did, and continues to do, to this city. Out of my predecessor's rage came "Drug Watch," a daily portrait gallery of the men and women hauled into 3rd District Court on narcotics charges. The feature's daily message was clear: Addicts caught with drugs or in a drug transaction faced the public shame of having their picture published in the paper. I discontinued Drug Watch shortly after arriving at this paper three and a half years ago. Every now and then, I hear from people who want me to bring it back. The latest request was voiced at a recent meeting of the Bullard Street Neighborhood Association. I'm not going to do it, as much as I share the feelings of outrage over the destruction wrought by drugs in this city's neighborhoods. I'd like to believe that Jim Ragsdale would have discontinued Drug Watch himself had he lived a little longer. Jim Ragsdale had made his point. It was time to move on. By the time I arrived on the scene, it was obvious that public shaming was the last thing most addicts worried about. Besides, the shaming inflicted by Drug Watch could so easily be avoided. We had and have only four very busy staff photographers. On many days, a drug defendant with a lawyer who knew the scene could dodge our photographers, or stall until afternoon when the photographer had to move on to another assignment. To do Drug Watch right required a daily commitment of one-fourth of our photographic resources. It was a heavy price to pay and there were days we could only afford to hit and run at the court house. On those days, we photographed only the people at the bottom of the barrel, the defendants too dazed, too drugged, too nodded out to get out of the camera's way. That compounded an unfairness built into Drug Watch. The men and women pictured had only been accused of drug offenses. They had not yet been convicted. Drug Watch stood due process on its head. It also turned the image of New Bedford on its head. The casual reader of The Standard-Times could well come away convinced that drugs and prostitution were what the city was all about, so much disproportionate space and attention was being paid to drug addicts. New Bedford had and has problems, including drugs and prostitution, but it remained a city rich in human resources, in natural and architectural beauty, in ethnic cultures, in historic and artistic heritage, and, yes, in economic possibilities. Drug Watch was sending out a message that it was a city of menace better to be avoided. That was simply untrue. An argument could be made that Drug Watch would still have been worthwhile were it having a deterrent effect and driving drugs and drug addicts out of New Bedford. But if there was a deterrent effect from Drug Watch, it didn't show. My guess is that the men and women typically pictured in Drug Watch were too deep into their addiction to even notice their picture in the paper. During the years of Drug Watch, the drug trade kept flourishing. Drug Watch also turned coverage of the drug trade upside down. Missed entirely by Drug Watch were the invisible people, the high-rolling manipulators behind the scenes, the dealers, the fixers, the profiteers: all the carrion-eaters caught up in the business of supplying drugs and protecting drug distribution. You'd never find a drug lord or an enabling barkeep in Drug Watch; you'd never find the people looking the other way when the deal went down, the people too scared or too corrupt to blow the whistle or enforce the law. The life's losers depicted in Drug Watch weren't the drug problem; they were the product of the drug problem, people kept trapped in their habit by the managers behind the criminal enterprises that imported drugs by the barrel into this country and this city. On the rare days those folks get nailed, the media is in court, getting the pictures. A major shortcoming of Drug Watch was the way it misplaced responsibility on the addict and ignored the supplier. Drug Watch also misplaced journalistic energy. We have to do a better job of reporting on how drugs get into this city and why they can't be rooted out. We have to keep the heat on federal, state and local law enforcement; we have to address the problems of joblessness and poverty that open the way to the drug trade and we have to do our best to support neighborhood groups like the Bullard Street Neighborhood Association in their fight against drugs. That's the ongoing responsibility of this newspaper and its editor. We take it quite seriously. In my opinion, bringing back Drug Watch would be pretending that we were taking effective action to support a community struggle and we'd be doing nothing of the kind. What we'd actually be doing is taking a step backward, while diverting precious resources on a tactic that didn't work then and wouldn't work now.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Patty's Paranoia Pays Off ('Time' Magazine Account Of Last Week's Story About The DEA Trying To Set Up Patricia Hearst) Date: Wed, 17 Jun 1998 22:33:16 EDT Errors-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: bob@HiWAAY.net Originator: email@example.com Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org From: Robert Bennett (bob@HiWAAY.net) To: Multiple recipients of list (email@example.com) Subject: Interesting Article in Time Talkers, I thought you might find this interesting. Robert Bennett *** Time Magazine June 22, 1998 Page 85 Patty's Paranoia Pays Off When you've lived as strange a life as Patty Hearst's you learn not to do things regular people do, like open your mail. According to the New Yorker, Hearst's lawyer has a few questions for the DEA after the heiress received an odd parcel, call the two numbers on its address, found they were pay phones and immediately called the cops. Had she opened it she would have found $20,000 to $40,000 worth of drugs. She was informed of this by the DEA officials who showed up on her doorstep moments after her call to the police. The agents were actually going to arrest her, but were stymied because she had already reported the package. Hearst believes the incident has something to do with the presidential pardon she's seeking.
------------------------------------------------------------------- US Farmers Take Legal Action Over Hemp Status ('The Public Ledger' In England Notes Kentucky Farmers Are Suing The Drug Enforcement Administration To End Hemp Prohibition - URL For Lawsuit Included)Date: Fri, 10 Jul 1998 01:04:28 -0700 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: UK: US Farmers Take Legal Action Over Hemp Status Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Joe Hickey (firstname.lastname@example.org) Source: The Public Ledger Contact: 69-77 Paul Street London, EC3A 4LQ Fax: 44 (0) 171 553-1000 Pubdate: Sat, 22 Jun 1998 Author: Shirley McLean- Journalist US FARMERS TAKE LEGAL ACTION OVER HEMP STATUS HEMP, a once thriving global commodity which has been outlawed worldwide for the last 60 years as a result of its association with marijuana, could be poised to make a comeback following a string of developments on both sides of the Atlantic. In the US, a group of farmers from Kentucky, in conjunction with a local trade organization, have taken legal action to persuade the government to make hemp legal again, while in the UK a leading retailer of beauty and skincare products (The Body Shop), recently launched a "hemp dry skin care range." The Kentucky farmers argue that the illegal status of hemp, by definition of the Controlled Substances Act of 1972, violates the 1937 Marijuana Tax Act, which established regulations for marijuana while specifically protecting and exempting the production of industrial hemp for commercial purposes. "We've filed the suit asking the judge to clarify the original congressional record saying that Congress never intended to eliminate the hemp industry," said Andy Graves, president of the Kentucky Hemp Growers Co-operative Association. For many US farmers hemp is another crop to include in their annual rotations along with grains and tobacco, and would provide a valuable hedge as a disease resistant plant, especially when the future of tobacco is uncertain. The frustration of the would-be hemp farmers centers on the official lack of distinction between hemp and its illicit relation because it contains the same psychoactive chemical, delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) found in marijuana. Their cause in not popular with government officials though, who fear that legalizing the growing of hemp would provide a camouflage for the production of marijuana. Farmers argue that hemp only contains minimal traces of THC and that hemp and marijuana do not cohabit well. Grown for its fibrous stalks, hemp is densely planted while marijuana is planted so that its leaves receive as much sunlight as possible. Hemp (cannabis sativa) was thought to have first been cultivated in ancient China and brought to Europe in the early 16th century. It is an annual herb with distinctive long-stalked, serrated leaves and bears the grayish-green fruit, hemp seed. Native to central Asia and India, it is widely grown in many parts of the world for its tough fibres and seed oil as well as its other materials. The extracted oil, a particularly effective vegetable oil, is suitable for many cosmetic products such as moisturizers, shampoos, massage oils and shower gels. It also contains high levels of essential fatty acids, needed by the human body for growth. Cosmetic use Dry skin is considered to be deficient in essential fatty oils and the application of hemp seed oil is said to help condition skin and prevent moisture loss. The use of hemp in the cosmetics industry is only touching this commodity's many applications though. Industrial grade hemp can be used for many purposes including animal feed, energy, paper and bedding for horses. However, despite a renewed interest in using natural fibres, hemp competes with many synthetic fibres, particularly in textiles. The `ideal' crop As a crop, hemp is agriculturally ideal. It requires little maintenance, needs little fertilizer, does not deplete the soil of its nutrients, has few predators and can be grown in most climates. Up until the end of the last century, hemp was the largest agricultural crop in the world and, although currently enjoying a revival in Europe and the US, legislation as it stands effectively prevents its re-introduction into the commodities industry. (END) *The US Lawsuit can be reviewed at: (www.hempgrowers.com)
------------------------------------------------------------------- Crank - The Drug Once Called Speed Has Come Roaring Back As A Powdery Plague On America's Heartland (Sensational And Factually Challenged 'Time' Magazine Article Attempts To Launch A Nationwide Drug Menace, Ignoring The Fact That The Increase In Methamphetamine Use Was Caused By The Prohibitions On Cannabis And Pharmaceutical Amphetamine-Type Drugs) Date: Thu, 18 Jun 1998 01:59:59 -0400 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: Time: Crank article Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com Pubdate: 22 Jun 1998 Week Source: Time Magazine Section: Vol 151 No 24 Page 24 Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Author: Walter Kirn with Patrick Dawson The drug once called speed has come roaring back as a powdery plague on America's heartland... BILLINGS - It's a full-moon Friday night, and Jennifer, 25, a hard-core loker (smoker of methamphetamine, known as crank) has been wide awake around the clock for almost four days. She isn't yet seeing plastic people, shadow men or transparent spiders-just three of the fabled hallucinations of the Billings, Mont., crank scene, a hyperstimulated subculture sickeningly rich in slang and folklore. But she is feeling pangs of remorse about her three-year-old. On Monday, when she left her parents' house, where she has been living since dropping out of college, she promised the daughter she calls "my angel" that Mommy would be right back. Sadly, though, crank squeezes time like an accordion, and since Jennifer swore her solemn maternal oath, approximately 100 hours have passed in a sleepless, virtually food-free blur of hurried parking-lot drug deals, marathon bouts at the video poker machine and frantic cigarette runs to the mini-mart. Now, perched at the bar of a downtown dance club where her dealer boyfriend ditched her ages ago with just $4 for drinks, Jennifer scratches at her wrists and elbows; her eyes dart from pool table to door; and her butt compulsively scoots around inside her baggy jeans. Crank kills the appetite, just wipes it out, and while many women she knows view this as a selling point, Jennifer doesn't want to lose more weight. Hoping to supplement the child-support check that turns to drugs the day it hits her mailbox, she'd applied for a job as a cocktail waitress, but her meth-shrunken breasts didn't fill the skimpy costume. "This drug makes you lose everything," she says, gulping a shot of bourbon and root-beer schnapps to calm her freaking neurotransmitters. "I'm not afraid, though. I've cranked for seven years," Jennifer says. (Her name has been changed by TIME, as have the names and various identifying details of other crank users cited.) "I'm getting pretty used to losing everything." All over Billings (pop. 91,000), the scrappy hub city of the northwestern Great Plains, home to oil refineries, regional medical centers and countless smoke-filled fistfight barrooms where cowboys from Wyoming to South Dakota come for some urban R. and R., people are losing everything to crank-their families, their jobs, their homes, their bank accounts and, perhaps irretrievably, their minds. The potent, man-made stimulant-invented 80 years ago in Japan, issued to soldiers in World War II, prescribed to chunky housewives in the '50s, known to '60s hippies as speed and now sometimes passed out to antsy third-graders with attention-deficit disorder-is, at least in its crumbly, powdered street form, an upper that leads straight down. This isn't the carefully calibrated dose of methamphetamine dispensed by pharmacists in pill form. This is crank-smoked, snorted or injected-and it makes people live like coyotes, says a cop standing outside a south-side Billings bungalow while agents from the Drug Enforcement Administration toss the place for drugs. "This town is coming unhinged," another cop says. As if to prove their point, the suspected crank house whose street-side picture windows are sheathed with tinfoil (sunlight is the cranker's natural enemy) starts belching evidence of criminal lunacy-hypodermic needles clogged with meth, automatic pistols of several calibers and an AK-47 with a loaded 100-round clip. Next come the makings for amateur bombs: jars of gunpowder, lengths of pipe and a homemade blasting cap fashioned from fuse cord and a rifle shell. Given crank's capacity for rendering even casual users clinically psychotic (the transparent spiders weave webs inside the brain long after the meth has left one's system), the arsenal is probably unnecessary, real weapons amassed for a figmentary showdown. Marijuana and cocaine were this city's illegal substances of choice until about four years ago, when a blizzard of crank swept in. "It's pretty much all we deal with now," says Sergeant Tim O'Connell, who heads the city's multiagency drug task force. For law enforcers, methamphetamine is a tough drug to pin down. It's sold hand to hand behind closed doors, in homes and motel rooms, in the style of a Tupperware party. Worse, its production requires little overhead. Ephedrine, an over-the-counter cold medication, can be combined with a shopping list of chemicals easily obtained from stores and industrial-supply companies (common drain cleaners figure in some formulas) and cooked in a kitchen sink from recipes downloaded from the Internet. Billings cops call these homely setups "Beavis and Butt-head labs." Why crank? And why now? The crank epidemic is new enough, and its mostly white, often rural victims quiet enough, that those questions are just starting to be asked. "The current culture is 'Keep going, keep moving and do it all.' That would be the initial draw, I think," says Nancy Waite-O'Brien, Ph.D., director of psychological services at the Betty Ford Center in Rancho Mirage, Calif. Add to this the wannabe-supermodel factor. "Women," observes Waite-O'Brien, "get into meth because they think it will manage weight. Which I suppose it sometimes does-at first." American drug warriors, welcome to your nightmare-a do-it-yourself guerrilla narcotic spread by paranoid insomniacs who think they see federal agents through every keyhole, even when it's just the Domino's Pizza man. In cities large and small across the West and Midwest crank belt, from Oregon to Iowa, where the drug is known as the poor man's cocaine in towns that barely had cocaine in the first place, the drug arrives nonstop from every direction and by every imaginable route. Wrapped by the ounce and the pound in duct-tape eggs that can be stashed in the air vent of a car, crank comes up the interstate from California and Mexico, where it's produced in massive quantities by organized criminal gangs. Sometimes it even comes by UPS. In one of Billings' biggest recent crank seizures, O'Connell, wearing the company's brown uniform, intercepted a 5-lb. package at the UPS warehouse one morning (street value: a quarter of a million dollars) and delivered it to the address on the label. The men who answered the doorbell were arrested. Dennis Paxinos, the Yellowstone County attorney, requested that the men's bail be set at $250,000, but the judge involved reduced the sum to a mere $1,000. Paxinos publicly called the decision "asinine." Within a few hours of his release, one of the suspects was back in jail on another charge. A lot of Billings crank has to travel no farther than across the street, from the apartment building where it's made to the tavern or motel room where it's sold. So pervasive is this bathtub crank that a Billings teenager trying to kick drugs had to quit her job as a hotel maid because she was constantly finding traces of meth in the bathrooms she cleaned. While on assignment for this story, TIME's writer and photographer watched from the lobby of their motel as a notorious Billings crank dealer, facing state charges at the time, received a steady stream of predawn customers in a room directly across the courtyard. ("You know he's in," the night clerk said, "when the phone lines all light up at once.") Approached for an interview about his trade, the wanted man, a tattooed giant on a bed surrounded by a clutch of weary party girls, merely said, "I'm busy. I don't have time now." Last week the alleged dealer was arrested in another Billings motel in a raid that netted several ounces of what police identified as meth. Said a motel employee about her fugitive lodger: "The only problem is that when he leaves, the mirrors in his room are always broken and all the light bulbs are missing." (Lokers without a pipe at hand typically smoke crank from a broken light bulb.) "How are you going to cut off the supply of something you can produce at home?" asks Mona Sumner, chief operations officer of the Rimrock Foundation, Billings' (and Montana's) largest drug-rehab facility. Sumner, in her 30 years at Rimrock, has seen many a drug craze come and go, but she has never felt this frightened or frustrated. Crank admissions to her facility have tripled in the past four years. Crank is too cheap, too available and too addictive, Sumner says. "Honestly, I don't know where it's going." The crankers who show up at the clinic require, on average, four weeks of detox, often with the use of antipsychotic drugs, before the counselors can even get through to them. On a wall in the Rimrock recreation room hangs a homemade poster showing a medevac helicopter like those that land at nearby St. Vincent Hospital. The poster is intended to reassure paranoid recovering crankers, but many are so unstrung that they fear the helicopter is after them. Delusions about sinister aircraft are among the milder symptoms of the Billings area's mounting crank plague. East on Interstate 90, in the town of Livingston, the body of a young woman, Angela Brown, was found rotting in a river, and local law-enforcement officials are investigating a Billings meth connection. A few months earlier, south of Billings, in Hardin, an admittedly cranked-out 17-year-old, Jonathan Wayne Vandersloot, whose head hadn't touched a pillow in days, allegedly shot dead his sleeping grandparents, scooped up some jewelry, guns and cash, and took off in their pickup. Vandersloot's first trial ended in a hung jury. Prosecutors plan to retry him this fall. Farther south, crank has decimated the Northern Cheyenne Reservation, populated by descendants of the warriors who routed Custer at the Battle of the Little Big Horn. "Crank will do to the reservations what Custer couldn't," says Bonnie Pipe, clinical director of a tribal recovery center in the town of Lame Deer. When James Walksalong, chairman of the local school board, brought in a team of drug-sniffing dogs last year, kids climbed out of classroom windows, and by the end of the day the dogs had detected 30 instances of drug residue. On reservations throughout Montana and Wyoming, the drug has led to increased domestic abuse, a flurry of audacious daylight burglaries and overloaded medical facilities. David Morales, a truant officer for Billings School District 2 and a recovering addict, deals with the meth problem too often in the form of 10- and 11-year-olds either on the drug or suffering abuse at the hands of spun-out relatives. "I call them the ghost children," he says. "I see them all the time." Recently Morales called into his office a beautiful little six-year-old girl who had been missing a lot of school. "I asked her if she needed an alarm clock to help her wake up on time," he recalls, "and all of a sudden she breaks down crying." It seems that under the nose of her allegedly crank-addicted mother, the girl had been raped repeatedly by a teenage relative, a sadistic sort given to dousing his hands in fingernail-polish remover, setting them aflame and then blowing out the fire before he was burned. He warned the girl that he would ignite her if she spoke out. Morales tells of another girl, 11, whose meth-crazed mother prostituted her for a onetime windfall of $360. The girl thought this was normal life, Morales says. Mom needed the money. The E.R. doctors at Deaconess Billings clinic have their own ugly tales to tell. The crank casualties who appear in the E.R. break down into three basic types, according to Dr. Larry McEvoy, who heads the emergency-medicine department: "First there's the 'I've hit bottom' presentation. They've used for 10 days, haven't eaten or slept and have run out of drugs. They're wiped out, feel heavy and can hardly move. Type 2 is the acute public-disturbance person. They start fighting with people or screaming in the street. Often they're impossible to interview because they're so paranoid. Third are people who use crank a lot and notice that their arms are numb or they're having trouble breathing." McEvoy has seen a radical increase in all three types: "The amounts we see are overwhelming. As a physician, I regard it as the worst possible drug. It really burns people out." And it can do so almost instantly, in McEvoy's experience. "One night a boy came in so out of control he thought I was the police and the police were trying to kill or kidnap him. He was incredibly violent-biting, slapping, grabbing doctors' private parts. We got hold of his folks and found out he's usually a good student. Even if he does this only once every two years, given his psychotic reaction to the drug, he could end up killing someone. "I've seen 14-year-old girls with infected arms who have been stuck a bunch of times by people who aren't very good at hitting veins. And I'm frequently surprised by the number of people who don't use it every day but don't feel bad about dabbling in it. They seem to be unaware of the precipice they're hanging over." Janet Cousrouf, Rimrock's director of nursing, says crank carries with it almost a two-week residue of paranoia. "Since the detox time is longer than most companies are willing to pay for, our biggest problem is insurance." Cousrouf frankly despairs about the crank plague and in particular its spread from generation to generation. "A lot of the crankers are products of crank mothers, or they have fetal alcohol syndrome. And we're seeing a whole new era of fetal drug syndrome-underdeveloped brain stems, SIDS deaths." Cousrouf believes crank is one of the main culprits in these cases. But from their sober point of view, doctors and nurses can tell you only so much. The best way to see what crank has done to Billings-and perhaps understand the appeal of a drug made from drain-cleaning crystals-is to spend time with crankers, both active and reformed. A group of them loiter outside the Montana Rescue Mission, a private Christian charity that offers a bed to crash in and, if they choose, a religion-based recovery program, Reality and Christ. Tom, 24, a husky blond kid who says he has been drug free for 17 days, is fresh out of jail for stealing a handgun he planned to sell for drug cash. The gun belonged to his girlfriend's father, who happened to be a deputy sheriff. "How dumb can you get?" Tom asks. After flashing a driver's license photo to show how much thinner he was in his meth days, Tom effuses about his newfound love of Christ. A few minutes later he reaches into his jeans jacket and pulls out a scorched, homemade glass crank pipe. "To be honest," he says, "if I had some now, I'd smoke it." Huddled on the ground against a wall, Justin and Kim, 24 and 18, scoff at Tom's pipe. They're bangers-they shoot their crank-and anyone who does different is crazy, they say. "We've been off it 11 days," says Justin. "I'm trying to get my tolerance back down so it won't take me so much to get spun out," he explains. As narcotics go, crank is famously cheap-a $20 bundle keeps you buzzing for up to 12 jaw-grinding, heart-pounding hours-but frequent users still have trouble affording it. For one thing, they tend to get grandiose while high. A recovering addict (in his one year of crank use, he went from reigning as high school homecoming king to serving a robbery sentence in a state penitentiary) remembers buying drinks for the house every time he set foot in a strange bar. When asked how he's staying away from the needle, Justin produces a plastic medicine dropper and pokes his arm with it. "Calms me down," he says. "I quit smoking the same way, by sucking on a crayon." Like so many other Billings geeters-yet one more slang term-Justin is a teller of wild tales. He shows off the sunken veins in his arms and describes how he once had to gaff his shot of crank-inject it straight into his jugular vein-while watching himself in a rearview mirror. "The jugular," he says, nodding earnestly, "the only vein in the body that won't roll over on you." Hovering in the mission's doorway, a sweatshirt hood drawn over his pale, thin face, is Dracula. That's what the others call him, and he answers to it. Trembling, high and radically withdrawn, Dracula refuses to speak a word, but he does show off an arm full of tattoos. The intricate, dense, almost abstract blue-green filigree seems to say, "This is your brain on crank." The next show-and-tell item is the eyeglass case in which Dracula keeps his syringe and razor blade. The case's interior is obsessively decoupaged with tiny, interlocking pictures snipped from magazines. Dracula is a great artist, Justin says, and if art is defined as manic patternmaking for no apparent purpose, he's right. Across town, at a table in the modest apartment where she supposes she'll have to go on living until she finds a job, Alicia is quitting crank. Once an upwardly mobile employee of a FORTUNE 500 company based in a large Southwestern city, Alicia is in her mid-30s but looks 50. Her face is pocked and pitted from her attempts to pick out the crystals of methamphetamine that, she swears, used to form under her skin. Alicia moved to Montana several years ago in hopes of escaping the bigger city's crank scene. She says the subcutaneous crystals aren't a problem now; the Billings meth is not so pure. Not that it matters, because she's quitting. Tomorrow. Right now, however, she's lighting one last pipeful in a ritual as intricate as a Japanese tea ceremony. She ignites a propane torch and holds the blue flame beneath the smudge of powder in her clear glass pipe. Crank is smoked differently than crack cocaine; it takes less heat and melts instantly (burning away the impurities, Alicia says). Once the drug vaporizes in a white cloud, Alicia inhales. She then repeats the process. The residues in the pipe, called frosties, are infinitely valuable to crankers, and Alicia keeps torching them until they're gone. But such solitary crank use isn't the norm in Billings. Crank is a party drug here, a social thing, smoked, injected and snorted by tight-knit groups holed up in houses behind blacked-out windows, talking nonstop about their hopes and dreams and smoking a joint now and then or drinking a beer to mellow out the high. "You think you're with your best friends in the whole world," remembers the toppled homecoming king. "You stay up all night saying things like 'Man, I'd die for you,' and then in the morning everybody crashes and you realize you hate these people. They disgust you." Paula, 19, who has been clean for six months following a stay at Rimrock, remembers crank parties as surreal blendings of light and darkness, reality and dreams. "The sun goes up and down and you lose track, and pretty soon you're hearing laughs and whispers and seeing things dart around on the floor. Then the other people turn into monsters." Boyish, sardonic and stunningly intelligent, Paula, who has never been anywhere else, calls Billings the crank capital of the universe: "The people in my neighborhood all learned crank from their parents. I mostly hung out with 13- and 14-year-olds. It's getting younger and younger every year." Part of crank's appeal to Paula, and apparently to most users, is that it helped her get things done. It made her feel capable, on top of things. She could party into the wee hours (often having sex with virtual strangers because, as she puts it, once you've stayed up all night with someone, you feel pretty close to them), go to work the next day, then come home and clean her room. "I even started depending on it to go to school," she says. Then came what paula claims was a three-month-long, nearly sleepless crank run that left her homeless, expelled from school and seeing ghouls behind every tree. Crankers tend to exaggerate, but her memories of the streak have that patented methamphetamine exactitude. "I knew I had to get nutrition, so every day I had a pudding snack, an applesauce and a little carton of milk," she says. Her diet wasn't all so wholesome, though. "Also, I was smoking tons of pot just to calm my nerves." For Jennifer, the conscience-stricken mother, the party's still not over. Another crank-warped week has passed; another Friday night has rolled around; and though she's thinner, paler and less coherent, she's feeling considerably richer owing to the arrival this morning of her monthly child-support check. Swaying nautically on her favorite barstool, she reports that she has made some changes in her life in the past few days. She's moved out of her parents' place, leaving her daughter behind, and has taken up residence in a rented house with two male roommates who share her taste for meth and, unlike her family, don't "make me feel guilty every time they look at me." That's where the party continues when the bars close. The tiny house, across the tracks and across the freeway, is supernaturally tidy. In the spotless kitchen, at a spotless table next to a box filled with hundreds of empty beer cans all conscientiously rinsed and crushed (when crankers decide to clean house, they clean house), Jennifer and her roommates smoke and jabber while clock hands turn from 3 to 4 to 5. The oldest roommate-his fortyish, gaunt face so stiff and lifeless it looks taxidermied-veers from a fond recollection of a camping trip to a paranoid rant about "hidden cameras" and warnings to TIME's photographer and reporter that "we know how to protect ourselves in this house." With daybreak nearing, disaster strikes. Jennifer discovers she has lost her purse, child-support check and all. A panic ensues. The house is searched, and the driveway. Someone hatches a plan to drive downtown and retrace Jennifer's steps, which won't be easy. "Where did you leave it?" her friends keep asking, but she just sighs and insists she can't remember. Probably the same place she left her looks, her education, her jobs, her little angel. Somewhere out there in crank city, in the dark-a dark that, no matter how hard Jennifer tries to stop it, always turns to dawn. -With reporting by Patrick Dawson on the Northern Cheyenne Reservation *** CRANK BREAKDOWN -METHAMPHETAMINE HYDROCHLORIDE (a.k.a. crank) can be smoked, injected, snorted or swallowed. It stimulates massive release of the pleasure-causing neurotransmitters adrenaline and dopamine in the brain and inhibits their breakdown -IMMEDIATE EFFECTS (lasting from 2 to 14 hrs. per dose) include euphoria, sexual arousal, elevated heart rate, tremor, dry mouth, loss of appetite, insomnia and paranoia, followed by agitation and irritability -LONG-TERM EFFECTS include malnutrition, psychosis, depression, memory loss and possible damage to the heart, brain, lungs and liver -PHARMACEUTICAL VERSIONS of the drug (Desoxyn Gradumet) are approved for treatment of obesity and attention-deficit disorder
------------------------------------------------------------------- Institute Of Medicine Still Accepting E-Mailed Information About Medical Marijuana (Medical Marijuana Patient And Activist Peter McWilliams Notes The Independent IOM Will Accept Information Until August 1 As It Continues To Compile General Barry McCaffrey's $1 Million Medical Marijuana Study) Date: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 22:52:28 -0700 From: "Peter McWilliams" (email@example.com) To: "Peter McWilliams" (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: DPFCA: Date: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 22:50:53 +0100 Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: DrugSense http://www.drugsense.org/dpfca/ Landmark Institute of Medicine Study Still Accepting E-mailed Information about Medical Marijuana. Will continue to do so until August 1, 1998. PLEASE CIRCULATE AND POST WIDELY The message below was sent to me today from the National Academy of Sciences Institute of Medicine. The most important news is that the IOM study is still accepting information about medical marijuana, and will continue to do so until August 1, 1998. It's not too late to give your thoughts and data to the study that will no doubt be seen as the most significant breakthrough in medical marijuana in a decade. This is the study McCaffrey paid $1 million for and the one about which he has continuously said, as he ducked the medical marijuana issue time and again, "It is in the hands of science. We will let science decide." Help science decide. Get them the facts. Send along research papers, newspaper articles, government tirades (with comments, if you like), and anything else that might help present our case before these truly impartial scientists. Choose carefully--don't "spam" them with useless information. It's not about volume, but quality of content. Send along factual reports and thoughtful opinion pieces--originated by you or others--along with a polite note asking for this information to be considered. This would be not only invaluable to making medical marijuana available to the sick and dying, but also appreciated by the scientists who sincerely want to do a good job. The e-mail address to submit information is email@example.com or by fax to (202) 334-1317. I think it's important not at assume someone else has already sent the IOM significant documents and articles on medical marijuana. If you think a document is important, e-mail it to them--not as a cc, but covered with an original note. ALL SUBMISSIONS WE MAKE BEFORE AUGUST 1, 1998, WILL BE PART OF THE OFFICIAL IOM RECORD ON MEDICAL MARIJUANA. You can be assured NIDA, ONDCP, Partnership for a Drug-Free America, and every other medical marijuana prohibitionist, public or private, have already submitted every last tainted study and self-serving (if there were no Drug War, where would these people work? Who would employ them?) distortion and misstatement of facts imaginable. If we don't put the truth on the record NOW, we may not have another opportunity to do so for years. This is a chance for one person to do enormous good with not much effort, all from the comfort of home, all on the Internet. I plan to go through the online documents that I find most informative about medical marijuana--especially the events of the past six months that may have been not been presented to the IOM researchers--and send them along with a cover note explaining what I am sending and why. If every other person and organization dedicated to medical marijuana did the same, the results could change the world. Thank you. Peter McWilliams WHAT FOLLOWS IS THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES JUNE 21, 1998 NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES INSTITUTE OF MEDICINE REPLY TO MY MARCH 28, 1998 E-MAIL, WHICH ALSO FOLLOWS: Mr. [Mc]Williams: Thank you for attending and speaking at the Medical Use of Marijuana conference in Irvine. Statements such as yours offer a very helpful perspective for this study. We apologize for the delay in responding to your message. Due to limited staff, we are just getting to the messages and mail sent to us in March and April. It is not the policy of the Institute of Medicine to distribute transcripts or copies of meeting tapes, hence we are unable to send you a copy of the transcripts. However, meeting summaries from the three conferences (Irvine, New Orleans, and Washington, DC) are available on our website: http://www2.nas.edu/medical-mj. We are accepting information up until 8/1/98. You can send the information either by email to: Medical Marijuana@nas.edu, [THIS IS AN INVALID ADDRESS. USE firstname.lastname@example.org] or by fax to (202) 334-1317 and we will distribute the information to the Principal Investigators. The report is in progress and will not be completed until the end of 1998. Again, thank you for your interest. Amelia Mathis Institute of Medicine email@example.com on 03/28/98 05:45:51 AM *** Hello. You were kind enough to let me speak at the Irvine conference. I have AIDS and cancer and use medical marijuana. I was wondering if transcripts or copies of the tapes of the three meetings is (or will be) available for review. Also, are the doctors still open to information, or are they in the "review" mode? If they are, what is (are) the best e-mail address(es)? Finally, is there an estimated release date for the final report? I'll be posting this as an update on the Medical Marijuana Magazine Online (www.marijuanamagazine.com), so your answers will reach more than just me. Thank you very much. I cannot tell you how important this study is to us medical marijuana users. This study is the single most important factor in our "prayer" for a return to science on this subject. Take care. Enjoy, Peter McWilliams firstname.lastname@example.org www.mcwilliams.com
------------------------------------------------------------------- Supreme Court Finally Gets A Forfeiture Case Right (A List Subscriber Notes The US Supreme Court Ruled Today There Are Limits To Forfeiture, In United States V. Bajakajian) Date: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 13:08:18 EDT Errors-To: email@example.com Reply-To: conlonkt@mcmail.CIS.McMaster.CA Originator: firstname.lastname@example.org Sender: email@example.com From: "Kelly T. Conlon" (conlonkt@mcmail.CIS.McMaster.CA) To: Multiple recipients of list (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: Supreme Court *finally* gets a forfeiture case right UNITED STATES, PETITIONER v. HOSEP KRIKOR BAJAKAJIAN ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT [June 22, 1998] JUSTICE THOMAS delivered the opinion of the Court. Respondent Hosep Bajakajian attempted to leave the United States without reporting, as required by federal law, that he was transporting more than $10,000 in currency. Federal law also provides that a person convicted of willfully violating this reporting requirement shall forfeit to the government "any property . . . involved in such offense." 18 U.S.C. 982(a)(1). The question in this case is whether forfeiture of the entire $357,144 that respondent failed to declare would violate the Excessive Fines Clause of the Eighth Amendment. We hold that it would, because full forfeiture of respondent's currency would be grossly disproportional to the gravity of his offense.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Court Limits Property Confiscation By Government - Seizure Of Legally Obtained Cash Is 'Excessive Fine' (Press Release From FEAR - Forfeiture Endangers American Rights - About Today's Supreme Court Ruling In US V. Bajakajian) From: "sburbank" (email@example.com) To: Phil Smith (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: forfeiture ruling Date: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 12:38:36 -0700 FEAR's press release on today's Supreme Court decision in U.S. v. Bajakajian. Please feel free to redistribute. *** Forfeiture Endangers American Rights P.O. Box 15421 * Washington, DC 20003 202-546-4381 * www.fear.org For Immediate Release Monday, June 22, 1998 For Further Information Contact Tom Gordon 202-546-4381 Court Limits Property Confiscation by Government Seizure of Legally Obtained Cash is "Excessive Fine" In a decision with important implications for civil liberties and property rights, the Supreme Court today, for the first time, stated that a forfeiture action by the government was an unconstitutional excessive fine under the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution. The Court ruled in U.S. v. Bajakajian (No. 96-1487), that the government could not forfeit several hundred thousand dollars from a man who failed to report that he was taking the money from the country - an offense for which the maximum fine is $ 5,000. "We hope that this case will be a watershed in forfeiture litigation," said Tom Gordon, Interim Director of Forfeiture Endangers American Rights (FEAR), a national nonprofit dedicated to fighting the abuses of asset forfeiture. "Today, the Court has taken the position that the government may not arbitrarily confiscate citizens' property without regard to constitutional protections." Hosep Krikor Bajakajian and his wife were attempting to board a flight from Los Angeles to Cyprus with $357,144 in United States currency, when they were stopped by U.S. Customs officials. Although he had legally obtained the money, Mr. Bajakajian was arrested for transporting more than $10,000 outside of the United States without filing a report with the U.S. Customs Service. The federal government sought the confiscation of the entire $357,144. The U.S. District Court for the Central District of California ordered Bajakajian to pay only $15,000, holding that any larger forfeiture would be disproportionate to the offense committed by Bajakajian. The Ninth Circuit and the Supreme Court also sided with Bajakajian, with the Supreme Court saying today that the forfeiture of the entire amount of money "would be grossly disproportional to the gravity of his offense." Forfeiture actions are a little known body of law in which the government confiscates people's property by claiming that the property, not its owner, is guilty of a crime. Because the Constitution affords lesser protection to property than to people, the government's case is much easier in a forfeiture action than in a criminal prosecution. However, the results can be equally devastating to individuals. "When the government confiscates a person's home or business, the person is often harmed far more than if they had been given a brief jail sentence," Gordon said. "The safeguards against government overreaching should be just as strict for protecting property as they are for protecting liberty."
------------------------------------------------------------------- Justice Kennedy's Dissent In Bajakajian (A List Subscriber Posts Some Quotes Providing A 'Chilling Reminder Of The Power Of The Drug War To Corrupt Constitutional Principles') Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 10:28:57 EDT Errors-To: email@example.com Reply-To: conlonkt@mcmail.CIS.McMaster.CA Originator: firstname.lastname@example.org Sender: email@example.com From: "Kelly T. Conlon" (conlonkt@mcmail.CIS.McMaster.CA) To: Multiple recipients of list (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: Justice Kennedy's dissent in Bajakajian Justice Kennedy's dissent in the latest asset forfeiture case is a chilling reminder of the power of the drug war to corrupt constitutional principles. Edifying excerpts follow below: *** "The Court does not deny the importance of these interests but claims they are not implicated here because respondent managed to disprove any link to other crimes. Here, to be sure, the Government had no affirmative proof that the money was from an illegal source or for an illegal purpose. This will often be the case, however. By its very nature, money laundering is difficult to prove; for if the money launderers have done their job, the money appears to be clean...." "... respondent was unable to give a single truthful explanation of the source of the cash. The multitude of lies and suspicious circumstances points to some form of crime. Yet, though the Government rebutted each and every fable respondent proffered, it was unable to adduce affirmative proof of another crime in this particular case. " "Because of the problems of individual proof, Congress found it necessary to enact a blanket punishment. See S. Rep. No. 99-130, p. 21 (1985); see also Drug Money Laundering Control Efforts, Hearing before the Subcommittee on Consumer and Regulatory Affairs of the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee, 101st Cong., 1st Sess., 84 (1989) (former IRS agent found it " 'unbelievably difficult' " to discern which money flows were legitimate and which were tied to crime). One of the few reliable warning signs of some serious crimes is the use of large sums of cash. See id., at 83. So Congress punished all cash smuggling or non-reporting, authorizing single penalties for the offense alone and double penalties for the offense coupled with proof of other crimes. See 31 U. S. C. 5322(a), (b). The requirement of willfulness, it judged, would be enough to protect the innocent. See ibid. The majority second-guesses this judgment without explaining why Congress' blanket approach was unreasonable. "Money launderers will rejoice to know they face forfeitures of less than 5% of the money transported, provided they hire accomplished liars to carry their money for them. Five percent, of course, is not much of a deterrent or punishment; it is comparable to the fee one might pay for a mortgage lender or broker. Cf. 15 U.S.C. 1602(aa)(1)(B) (high-cost mortgages cost more than 8% in points and fees). It is far less than the 20-26% commissions some drug dealers pay money launderers. See Hearings on Money Laundering and the Drug Trade before the Subcommittee on Crime of the House Judiciary Committee, 105th Cong., 1st Sess. ___ (1997) (testimony of M. Zeldin); Andelman, The Drug Money Maze, 73 Foreign Affairs 108 (July/August 1994). Since many couriers evade detection, moreover, the average forfeiture per dollar smuggled could amount, courtesy of today's decision, to far less than 5%. In any event, the fine permitted by the majority would be a modest cost of doing business in the world of drugs and crime. See US/Mexico Bi-National Drug Threat Assessment 84 (Feb. 1997) (to drug dealers, transaction costs of 13%-15% are insignificant compared to their enormous profit margins).
------------------------------------------------------------------- Pain Medication That Can Be Inhaled ('The New York Times' Says An Article Printed Last Week In 'The Journal Of The American Medical Association' Notes The Aradigm Corporation, Based In Hayward, California, Specializes In Making Inhalable Forms Of Drugs That Previously Had To Be Injected, Including Insulin And Morphine - Meanwhile, A Drug Test Administrator At The University Of Maryland At College Park Has Patented A Software System He Says Enables A Machine To Do What Police Drug Recognition Experts Supposedly Do, Empirically Detect Illegal Drug Use Simply By Evaluating A Person's Eyes) Date: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 10:15:09 -0700 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US NYT: Pain Medication That Can Be Inhaled Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com (Dick Evans) Source: New York Times (NY) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.nytimes.com/ Pubdate: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 Author: Teresa Riordan PAIN MEDICATION THAT CAN BE INHALED A study published last week in The Journal of the American Medical Association found that many elderly people who are in pain do not receive adequate medication to ease their discomfort. But this problem is not limited to the elderly. Other reports in recent years have drawn attention to the fact that many cancer patients, as well as people recovering from surgery, do not get enough pain relief either. Aradigm Corp. has patented a technology that it says will make pain medication much easier to administer. The company, which is based in Hayward, Calif., specializes in making inhalable forms of drugs that previously have had to be injected -- insulin, for example. It is also developing an inhalable form of morphine, which is often the drug of choice for those in severe pain but which must be administered intravenously. Dr. Reid Rubsamen, vice president of medical affairs for Aradigm, first started thinking about low technology ways to improve the lives of patients while he was pursuing a doctorate at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the inventor or co-inventor of 33 patents held by Aradigm, including the pain-relief technology, which is in clinical trials. "Currently, IV pumps are underutilized in the home," said Rubsamen, an anesthesiologist. "You have to pay for a nurse to administer the pump and it gets very expensive." He added, "The whole idea is to liberate patients from IV pumps and to give them good access to effective pain relief." Aradigm is developing a hand-held electronic inhaler that holds 30 doses of morphine sulfate. The inhaler is programmed so that a patient can receive a new dose only at prescribed intervals. This easy access to morphine, however, presents a new problem: How to keep the drug out of the hands of people who should not have it. Rubsamen has also patented a system similar to that found in so-called smart guns. The inhaler will work only once it has read a digital code on a bracelet worn by the patient. This precaution will keep the inhaler out of the hands of children, but it is unlikely to thwart an adult in the household who wanted to procure the morphine for recreational reasons. "If you're a felon, you can defeat the system by stealing the bracelet," Rubsamen acknowledged. "But in real life, the main safety issue is someone picking it up accidentally.' Aradigm is developing the pain-management system in partnership with SmithKline Beecham. The patent, number 5,694,919, is the most recent to be assigned to Aradigm for the safety technology. Drug Testing By a Machine Although drug testing is becoming increasingly prevalent in the workplace, blood and urine tests can detect only a handful of the many mind-altering substances available either legally or illegally. Thus a process called drug recognition -- first developed by the Los Angeles Police Department in 1979 -- is becoming more widely used. Officers trained in drug recognition look for behavioral and physical signs that are characteristic of drug use. Scott Alpert, a drug test administrator at the University of Maryland at College Park, has patented a software system that he says enables a machine to do what these trained officers do. Alpert contends that his system can detect drug use -- and identify which class or classes of drugs a person has been using -- simply by empirically evaluating that person's eyes. His device measures pupil size, tracks eye movement and gauges the eyes' reaction to light. Someone who has ingested hallucinogens like LSD or certain mushrooms will have hugely dilated pupils, for example. "Whereas for opiates a big sign is that pupils will be constricted and won't react to light," Alpert said. Currently, it takes Alpert's invention about six minutes to evaluate someone. "But I'm hoping to get that down to 30 seconds," he said. Alpert, who said his system was being tested by several police departments, has started Drugensic, a company based in Ellicott City, Md., to develop the product.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Drug Debate Tonight On ABC Nightline (Bulletin From The Lindesmith Center Says Ethan Nadelmann Will Debate A Representative From The White House Office Of National Drug Control Policy) From: email@example.com Date: Mon, 22 Jun 98 13:34:40 EST Subject: Drug Debate Tonight on ABC Nightline (Mon. 6/22) Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org The drug war will be the topic for discussion on ABC Nightline tonight (11:30PM EST). The show will feature Ethan Nadelmann, Director of The Lindesmith Center as well as a representative of the White House Drug Czar's office. Ty Trippet Director of Communications The Lindesmith Center 400 West 59th Street New York, NY 10019 212-548-0695 212-548-4670-fax email@example.com *** Date: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 13:11:56 -0700 From: "kevin b. zeese" (firstname.lastname@example.org) To: ARO (email@example.com), ARO Media (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: ARO: Nightline tonight Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: "kevin b. zeese" (firstname.lastname@example.org) Organization: DrugSense http://www.drugsense.org/ Friends: Tonight, Nightline (ABC, 11:30 EST) will have a feature tonight on drug policy. Ethan Nadelmann will be debating a McC deputy. (McC cancelled and sent someone else to battle Ethan.) The set-up piece will feature Mike Gray, author of Drug Crazy, Michael Massing, a free lance writer who supports many aspects of reform, Herb Kleber, a former deputy drug czar who works with Califano and me. The show came out of the promotion of Drug Crazy and the controversy that we have all successfully developed around the UN. Enjoy it. Kevin
------------------------------------------------------------------- The Battle Over How To Fight The War On Drugs (Transcript Of The ABC 'Nightline' Discussion Moderated By Forrest Sawyer, Featuring Kevin Zeese, Mike Gray, Michael Massing, And Ethan Nadelmann On The Reform Side, Opposed By Herbert Kleber From The National Center On Addiction And Substance Abuse, David Mactas, President Of The Hazelden Rehab Program, And Charles Blanchard From General McCaffrey's Office) Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 20:48:34 -0400 To: DrugSense News Service
From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: Transcript: Nightline: The Battle Over How to Fight the War on Drugs Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: DrugSense Source: ABC News - Nightline Contact: http://126.96.36.199/onair/nightline/email.html Website: http://188.8.131.52/onair/nightline/index.html Airdate: Monday, 22 June 1998 THE BATTLE OVER HOW TO FIGHT THE WAR ON DRUGS FORREST SAWYER, ABC NEWS (VO) They say the war on drugs is a multi-billion dollar disaster. MICHAEL MASSING (PH) Our drug budget now is $17 billion a year and even by the drug czar's own admission, we're only treating one half the addicts. FORREST SAWYER (VO) A disaster that has caused more harm than drug abuse itself. KEVIN ZEESE, COMMON SENSE FOR DRUG POLICY In fact, we invest more now in prisons than we do universities because of the drug war. FORREST SAWYER (VO) But the general leading the way says those critics, who are some of the most influential people in the world, are dangerously wrong. GEN BARRY MCCAFFREY, DIRECTOR, NATIONAL DRUG POLICY OFFICE Don't give prominence to this drug legalization argument. It's sort of a fringe group. It has increasingly, with enormous cunning, gotten an argument into the public dialogue of this country. FORREST SAWYER (VO) Tonight, the battle over how to fight the war on drugs. ANNOUNCER From ABC News, this is Nightline. Substituting for Ted Koppel and reporting from Washington, Forrest Sawyer. FORREST SAWYER If you had been at the United Nations two weeks ago for its big drug summit, you would have heard a lot of very nice words. President Clinton was there to say drug abuse is, he believes, sharply reduced. The UN drug czar vowed to rid the world of the crops that produce cocaine and heroin in just 10 years. And in the end, the delegates from more than 150 nations endorsed a wide ranging plan to cooperate. It would all be perfectly lovely were it not for the fact that we have heard it all before and the illegal drug business is still huge. After all the numbers you hear tossed around the truth is no one really knows just how huge, how many people die, how much blood money has been made and laundered into legal businesses. What is obvious is that it takes little trouble and little cash to buy a gram of coke on the streets of America and for all the pledges and dollars spent in this war, there remain countless users and addicts, which is why so many well known and well respected people banded together to publish an open letter to the UN Secretary-General, saying the drug war has been lost and badly. What they propose is nothing less than accepting that trying to stop drugs at the border is like fighting a flood with a rusty sieve. Now that kind of talk has a way of getting people worked up and the temperature of the debate is now boiling, which both sides agree will at least remind us that there is something important at stake here, the future of our children. We begin with Nightline's Dave Marash. PRES BILL CLINTON (June 8) Today we join at this special session of the UN General Assembly to make common cause against the common threat of worldwide drug trafficking and abuse. DAVE MARASH, ABC NEWS (VO) It was, a cynic might say, an example of what the United Nations does best - celebrate itself for simply focusing on a problem. PRES BILL CLINTON Ten years ago, the United Nations adopted a path breaking convention to spur cooperation against drug trafficking. DAVE MARASH (VO) Ten years later, the UN hasn't come close to solving the world's drug problem or, as the President put it in his call for another 10 year war on drugs ... PRES BILL CLINTON Today, the potential for that kind of cooperation has never been greater or more needed. KEVIN ZEESE It's because the drug war's not working and everybody knows it. But our policy makers won't admit it. DAVE MARASH (VO) To press this argument, Kevin Zeese helped draw up a two-page advertisement in "The New York Times" that greeted delegates to the UN drug summit. Signers of the ad included George Schultz, a Republican former secretary of state, and Dr Joycelyn Elders, a Democrat former surgeon general, conservative economist Milton Friedman and liberal journalist Walter Cronkite, one time UN Secretary-General Javier Prez de Cullar and all time investor philanthropist George Sorros. GEN BARRY MCCAFFREY It's sort of a fringe group. It has increasingly, with enormous cunning, gotten an argument into the public dialogue of this country. DAVE MARASH The ad and the people behind it enraged the Clinton administration's so-called drug czar General Barry McCaffrey, because he says all that talk about reducing the harm done by the drug wars by starting needle exchanges to protect addicts from AIDS or providing marijuana to cancer patients to reduce nausea is just camouflage for the group's real aim, which he says is legalizing drug use in the United States. Not so, says Kevin Zeese. KEVIN ZEESE Go out on the corner and you can buy an apple. That's a legal substance. No one's talking about that for any drug, even for marijuana, even for alcohol. No one talks about that. We're all talking about finding ways of regulating, controlling, monitoring, preventing harm. DAVE MARASH (VO) For example. KEVIN ZEESE In Holland in 1976, they decriminalized marijuana possession. You could go into a retail shop and purchase small amounts of marijuana. They have a low level of heroin use, a low level of cocaine use, much lower than the United States does. What actually happened was marijuana became a filter preventing harder drug use. DAVE MARASH (VO) Maybe not, says addiction expert Dr Herbert Kleber. DR HERBERT KLEBER, NATIONAL CENTER ADDICTION & SUBSTANCE ABUSE The use of marijuana among individuals in the 18 to 20 age range in the Netherlands has sharply risen in the past decade. DAVE MARASH (VO) And, says Kleber, that is bad news today and maybe worse news tomorrow. DR HERBERT KLEBER I think we will learn in the next five years or so that there are changes in the brain that occurs with marijuana that may make it more likely that you would be interested in drugs like cocaine or heroin. DAVE MARASH (VO) Dr Kleber's warning makes two larger points about the drug controversy, one, that we're still learning about the interactions of human beings and narcotics and two, that nothing about those interactions is ever simple. Take, for example, America's campaign to stop drugs at the source, in the coca growing countries of Bolivia, Peru and Colombia or at their transfer point in Mexico. MICHAEL MASSING Our relations with Mexico are very strained. We have peasants in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia angry at us because we want to spray their crops. DAVE MARASH (VO) Michael Massing's research for a new book, "The Fix," has had him flying with the crop spraying troops of the Andes and riding with the drug busting cops of America's cities. His conclusion - America's pressures on drug producing countries have had little effect on America's drug consumers. MICHAEL MASSING The price of cocaine in this country is as low as it's ever been. The purity of heroin is greater than it's ever been, both of which indicate that the drugs are coming in at a greater volume than ever. DAVE MARASH (VO) Drug prohibition failed, says author Mike Gray, for the same reasons alcohol prohibition failed in the 1920s, it creates opportunities for criminals without crimping their access to consumers. MIKE GRAY, AUTHOR, "DRUG CRAZY" The two maps are identical. The only thing that's changed is the product and the names of the games. But everything else is exactly the same. DAVE MARASH (VO) For 14 years, Gray says, American politicians supported Prohibition, just as today's UN politicians support another decade of the drug war. MIKE GRAY Almost all the delegations agreed that the drug problem is markedly worse today than it was before and yet they support it because they apparently can't seem to think of anything else to do. DAVE MARASH (VO) Nonsense, says David Mactas of the Hazelden drug treatment program. There are a lot of positive things to do. DAVID MACTAS, PRESIDENT, HAZELDEN NEW YORK We know that prevention works. DAVE MARASH (VO) And, he says, we can actually measure how much drug therapy works. DAVID MACTAS So if you can get somebody engaged in treatment who needs treatment, far less likely to use the criminal justice system, far less likely to contract and transmit HIV into the general population, far less likely to use entitlement programs and far more likely to regain productivity, work, jobs and taxpaying. The cost-benefit was $7 for every dollar spent. DAVE MARASH Mactas says Americans should invest more in drug treatment programs, but adds don't take the money away from crop substitution programs in the Andes or police buy and bust programs here at home. Critics say such buy at all spending just protects the people prosecuting the drug war at a terrible price for drug users, their families, their neighbors and taxpayers alike. I'm Dave Marash for Nightline in New York. FORREST SAWYER And when we come back, two views of the war on drugs, one who says we are winning, one who says we've gone terribly wrong. (Commercial Break) FORREST SAWYER Joining us now from our Washington studios, Charles Blanchard is the chief counsel of the White House Drug Control Policy Office. Ethan Nadelmann is the director of the Lindesmith Center, a drug policy and research institute funded largely by grants from the George Sorros Foundation and he joins us from New York. Mr Blanchard, I have a copy of Mr Nadelmann's recent Foreign Affairs article. It has a rather catchy beginning. He says, "US drug policy has failed persistently over the decades because it has preferred rhetoric to reality and moralism to pragmatism." In other words, you've got a lot of good talk with your policy but little, if any, success. CHARLES BLANCHARD, NATIONAL DRUG POLICY OFFICE (Washington) You have to look at the record and the fact is we've reduced drug use in this country by half since 1979. Cocaine we've reduced 70 percent. Crime is at an all time low, at the same level it was in the 1960s. The real problem is we have folks like Ethan Nadelmann putting out an agenda that's going to increase access to drugs among our youth. It's been tried in Britain, it's been tried in Sweden. It'll be a disaster if it's tried here. FORREST SAWYER Mr Nadelmann, I must tell you, I've covered drug stories for about 25 years and whenever I hear these kinds of statistics tossed around I think that there are lies, damnable lies in statistics. Do you believe them? ETHAN NADELMANN, THE LINDESMITH CENTER (New York) Well, it is true that drug use has gone done, Forrest, but I actually look at the data in a different way. I look back at 1980 and remember that the federal government that year spent about a billion dollars on drug control and state and local governments maybe twice that. Now the Feds are spending $17 billion on drug control, two thirds of it for enforcement, and the state and local governments more than that again. I look back at 1980, nobody had ever heard of crack cocaine. But by the 1990s, it was a national epidemic. I look back at 1980, nobody had ever heard of drug-related HIV or AIDS yet this year we have 200,000 Americans dead or dying from drug-related HIV or AIDS. And I look back at 1980 and I remember that there were about 50,000 Americans behind bars for breaking a drug law. This year, 400,000 people, 400,000 people behind bars for breaking a drug law. So I look at 1980 and I look at 1998 and I see things getting a lot worse, not a lot better. FORREST SAWYER Well, I understand that but we've got some drug barons who are pretty skilled at getting drugs across into this country. They've been doing it for a lot of years. Now, how do you know whether those figures are a result of the American policy or the result of all those drugs coming across? ETHAN NADELMANN Well, quite frankly, when it comes to dollar expenditures, when it comes to the rising escalation of our prison population, when it comes to the spread of HIV and AIDS because we don't institute proper public health measures like needle exchange, those are not results of drug use per se. They're not even results of the drug barons. They're results of a failed prohibitionist policy that has failed by its very own terms that are making things worse. FORREST SAWYER Mr Blanchard? CHARLES BLANCHARD Well, if you look at, again, drug use is down. You can't deny that. You can pick a different year, but even crack use is far lower than it was at the height of the crack epidemic. More importantly, the consequences of drug use are down. Crime is down. And HIV was not caused by drug prohibition, it was caused by drug use. The real problem is whether we want to adopt a system like Ethan Nadelmann's, which would legalize a lot of drugs or at least make them more available. We, you know, we tried that in the 70s and 80s in this country, drug use went up very high. FORREST SAWYER I'm clueless, Mr Blanchard, where do these numbers actually come from? For instance, the DEA figures show that the cocaine prices have remained level through all this time so if you want to go out and buy cocaine you can get it at the price that you could have gotten years ago. CHARLES BLANCHARD Yeah, but ... FORREST SAWYER Mr Massing says that coke prices are down and use is up. So some people say one people, other people say another thing. CHARLES BLANCHARD Well, if you have lower demand, the market's going to responsible by lowering prices and actually coca prices went up last year because we did a good job on supply. And again, look at the experience of Britain. Britain decided to try to experiment ... FORREST SAWYER Well, you can't have it both ways. Wait a second. If you have lower demand the prices are going to go down, but if the prices go up you're going to claim that you were good at interdiction. CHARLES BLANCHARD Now, look at the use statistics. Those are the statistics that are most important and the uses are far lower. Demand is down not just because of law enforcement but because we're putting emphasis on prevention, we're putting an emphasis on treatment. But providing heroin to drug addicts, which is what the legalizers want to do, makes no sense. It makes about as much sense as offering alcohol to alcoholics. FORREST SAWYER Mr Nadelmann? ETHAN NADELMANN Well, you know, it's a shame to keep using these phrases like the legalizers and such. One of the things that was so powerful about the public letter to the Secretary-General that Dave Marash mentioned before was it wasn't just signed by George Sorros or Joycelyn Elders or Kurt Schmoke. It was signed by a wide diversity of people from around the world, former presidents and a former Secretary-General. More recently it's been signed by Paul Volker, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, by Elliot Richardson, the former attorney general, by Kweisi Mfume, the current head of the NAACP, and by comparable people around the world. Now, these cannot all be dismissed as free market legalizers and they say, and when they say that when we need to come up with a new policy, what that involves is not jumping to the last extreme of legalization. What we're talking about is shifting from a policy which emphasizes criminal justice approaches and military approaches to one in which public health concerns and harm reduction approaches become our principal objectives and the principal criteria by which we evaluate success or failure in our drug control policies. FORREST SAWYER Mr Blanchard, I know you want to answer that. I'm going to let you answer it when we come right back and we will try to sort through the differences in your positions and how we can begin to make some sense of them, when we come back in just a moment. (Commercial Break) FORREST SAWYER Mr Blanchard, this is what makes us crazy. You've got Mr Nadelmann on one side that say to say that this is a disaster and if we proceed with this we're just going down a terrible road, we're spending money and putting people in jail that shouldn't be. We've got you on the other side saying no, no, no, it's not a disaster, look at the numbers. The numbers say it's fabulous. Now how are we supposed to figure out which one of you is right? CHARLES BLANCHARD I think you ask the scientists, ask people who specialize in studying addiction. I think it's very telling that when General McCaffrey spoke to the leading group of scientists last week in Scottsdale who deal with addiction, he got a standing ovation, the first standing ovation that was ever received because he talks about a need for a balanced policy. Goal number one is prevention, preventing our kids from using drugs. But that only works when we have a societal level of disapproval that's incorporated in our criminal justice laws. FORREST SAWYER But what we have to do here is make some real sense out of it because these are terribly important discussions and here's General McCaffrey, when talking about these people who signed the letter, many of 'em very, very prominent people saying this is a slick misinformation campaign, it's camouflage, it's a fraud, it's a devious fraud. Does he really need to attack them so personally? Perhaps they just disagree with him on principle. CHARLES BLANCHARD Well, look at Ethan Nadelmann. A few years ago he was very proud to say I'm in favor of legalization. Even two years ago he said we want a federal right to use all types of drugs and a guaranteed way to receive them. All of a sudden when 85 percent of the American public in the Gallup polls say that legalization is opposed, they switch. Now they want to talk about things like harm reduction. But look at what they're proposing in the United States. They're proposing to have, offer free heroin to addicts in Baltimore, which makes no sense. Instead we should use what works and treatment and prevention. It makes no sense at all. FORREST SAWYER Mr Nadelmann, from everything that, common sense tells us if we want to stop drug abuse, it does seem hard to imagine that it's a good idea to decriminalize marijuana at any rate and to give heroin to heroin users. ETHAN NADELMANN Forrest, I think what common sense tells us and what the science tells us is that we have to look at the evidence. We have to look at the last 10 and 20 and 50 years and ask ourselves what have been the results of the government's drug war policies. FORREST SAWYER Well, Mr Blanchard, as you hear, keeps insisting that the evidence is that the use is down. ETHAN NADELMANN I know. But, you know, there are some objective criteria. I mean the drug czar and even the President like to say we should have a public policy, a drug policy based upon science. You know, if I look, for example, at what the National Academy of Sciences concluded, look what they said about needle exchange. They said do it. It saves lives and does not spread drug abuse. But the general vetoed that. Look what they said about marijuana 15 years ago, essentially that marijuana, the harms of the war on marijuana are greater than the harms of marijuana itself yet we now have a rhetorical war on marijuana based upon a lot of myths. Look what they said about ... CHARLES BLANCHARD But there's been 15 years of science, Ethan, that make the dangers of marijuana look even worse than they were 15 years ago. ETHAN NADELMANN No, well, Mr Blanchard, if, in fact, it was based upon the science how do you explain the general's decision on needle exchange? Here he had the National Academy of Science, the Centers for Disease Control, the AMA, the American Public Health Association, President Clinton's advisory commission, President Bush's advisory commission, every independent commission ever to look at this issue all coming down to the same recommendation, which is that providing sterile syringes to drug addicts reduces the spread of the deadly disease AIDS without increasing drug abuse. CHARLES BLANCHARD But you want to go far beyond that ... ETHAN NADELMANN We'd rather ... FORREST SAWYER Mr Blanchard, go ahead, answer him. CHARLES BLANCHARD But you want to go far beyond that. You're talking now not just about needles, providing the heroin itself. That was tried in Britain and a disastrous effect. The number of heroin addicts went up dramatically, a lot of them children. So why should we adopt that same policy here? It failed in Britain, it's failed in Sweden. FORREST SAWYER Mr Blanchard, is it possible, though, that there's, the truth might be somewhere in between you? You know that a lot of people are saying interdiction doesn't really work, the stuff is coming across. Why not take some of that interdiction money and use it on education and use it on prevention and use it on treatment? CHARLES BLANCHARD It's not an either/or. We should do both. We have a budget before Congress now for $200 million more for treatment and I would love to see the support of people like George Sorros and Ethan Nadelmann and Congress trying to get Congress to increase funding for treatment. But they're not there. They're more interested in fighting about legalization. I don't see Maponimis (ph) talking about treatment. FORREST SAWYER Mr Nadelmann, I've got to pause for one second. I promise I'll come right back to you in just one moment. ETHAN NADELMANN OK. (Commercial Break) FORREST SAWYER Once more, discussion of the war on drugs and gentlemen, I'm pretty clear now that I'm not going to get much agreement between the two of you, but I wonder if we could use the last minute and a half or so to try to get a clear picture of exactly what it is you want to do. Mr Nadelmann, take a shot at that. What should we be doing now? ETHAN NADELMANN Yeah, my view Forrest essentially is that where we do agree is on the need to protect our children. I mean, that's what drives the drug war in some sense, it's our fear about our kids, a fear about what will happen to them. Now, my answer to that, it's not legalization. I think the best way to put it is to say that what I favor is a mensch - like drug policy. I mean, as you may know a mensch is a Yiddish word. It means ... FORREST SAWYER A kinder, gentler policy. ETHAN NADELMANN Well, it means a good human being, a person who uses their heart and their mind to come up with decent solutions, who doesn't forget that your fellow citizens are human beings even if they have drug problems. It means base our drug policies on the science, base it on the evidence, base it on the common sense. FORREST SAWYER Well, by that what you actually mean, I think, is that you don't want to go after users and put 'em in jail, you want to provide for them some help. ETHAN NADELMANN That's right. That's a good start. I also think we should have drug education programs that are based a little more on the truth and less on myth and demonization. FORREST SAWYER So perhaps, Mr Blanchard, the key difference between you is the policy of going after drug users, that is to say not people who sell but drug users and attacking them with criminal penalties is not effective and, in fact, might actually be doing more harm than good. CHARLES BLANCHARD I think what we should do is use diversion programs and drug treatment within our criminal justice system. It's worked very, very effectively. I've dealt, talked to a lot of addicts who are thankful there's a criminal justice system that brought them into treatment. But we need to increase funding. FORREST SAWYER They're thankful that they have jail hanging over their heads? CHARLES BLANCHARD Exactly, because if it wasn't for that threat of jail, they wouldn't have taken treatment seriously and they're thankful to the police officer that arrested them and to the judge that said either you complete drug treatment or you're going to jail. That's the kind of policy I want is sanctions but treat, use treatment in the criminal justice system to solve the problem. And we want to mainly, though, however, focus on preventing kids from using drugs in the first place and legalization is going to be a disaster because kids are going to use a lot more drugs if we legalize. FORREST SAWYER Just a few seconds left Mr Nadelmann, I mean a few seconds. Do you see any possibility of dialogue between the two groups here? ETHAN NADELMANN Well, this is a start, Forrest. One hopes that Congress can eventually hold hearings that will afford some open, honest dialogue as well. I think this is a start. We're going to keep moving forward. That list of names, that was just the beginning, the tip of the iceberg. More and more are signing on and quite frankly more and more would have signed on except they're still afraid. But it is going to change. FORREST SAWYER I understand you, sir, and we're completely out of time. I thank you both and I hope we'll be talking about this more in the future. CHARLES BLANCHARD Thank you, Forrest. FORREST SAWYER That is our report for tonight. For the latest overnight developments, be sure to watch Good Morning America. That's tomorrow morning. I'm Forrest Sawyer in Washington. For all of us here at ABC News, good night. Content and programming copyright 1998 ABC News
------------------------------------------------------------------- US, Mexican Lawmakers Let Off Steam (A 'Washington Post' Article In 'The Seattle Times' Says The 37th Annual Meeting Of US And Mexican Lawmakers In Morelia, Mexico - Traditionally A Most Congenial Affair - Was Considerably More Tense As A Result Of 'Operation Casablanca') Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 00:44:58 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US/Mexico: U.S., Mexican lawmakers let off steam Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: John Smith Source: Seattle Times (WA) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.seattletimes.com/ Pubdate: 22 June 1998 Author: John Ward Anderson, The Washington Post U.S., MEXICAN LAWMAKERS LET OFF STEAM MORELIA, Mexico - They still sipped tequila, ate great food, exchanged gifts and listened to mariachi bands. But at this year's annual meeting of U.S. and Mexican lawmakers - traditionally a most congenial affair - everyone forgot to say smile and say "cheese." Not that it broke down into the rancorous, insult-hurling clash that most people were expecting, given the recent U.S. money-laundering sting against Mexican banks and the subsequent threats by top Mexican officials to prosecute U.S. Customs agents and expel Drug Enforcement Administration agents from the country. But during one of the most turbulent and contentious times in recent U.S.-Mexican relations, none of the 14 American or 20 Mexican legislators who gathered in this quaint Spanish colonial town for their 37th get-together were in any mood to paper over their many differences, as in years past. "The tone of the discussion was tense - repeatedly," said Del. Carlos Heredia Zubieta of the leftist Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD). "It was fruitful - at least to vent our the anger." "These tend to be back-slapping, cocktail type of sessions," said Rep. Brian Bilbray, R-Calif. "This time, there was some letting-off of steam. . . . If there's not going to be some back-and-forth, why bother?" During seven hours of closed-door meetings on Saturday, legislators discussed some of the most troublesome aspects of U.S.-Mexican relations, including drug trafficking, illegal immigration, trade and environmental issues, and what Mexico sees as U.S. infringements on its sovereignty. But there was no explicit discussion of the fundamental, underlying problems in U.S.-Mexican affairs: a deep-seated lack of trust and suspicion about the other side's motives. The most recent flash point in relations between the two nations was a three-year U.S. Customs investigation called Casablanca in which three top Mexican banks and 26 Mexican bankers were indicted on money-laundering charges. Some of the investigation was conducted by U.S. agents in Mexico without the knowledge or permission of the government here, which infuriated top Mexican officials. Not only did it underscore a lack of trust, top Mexican officials said, but it also violated their national sovereignty. Lawmakers from both countries said they discussed the incident at length, and while it opened minds to the other side's views, no minds were changed.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Small Dose Of Humanity A Big Part Of The Cure For Our Drug Ills (An Op-Ed In 'The Age' In Australia By Dr Nick Crofts, The Director Of The Centre For Harm Reduction At The Macfarlane Burnet Centre For Medical Research, Who Says Prohibition Rests On A View Of 'Drug' Users As Subhuman And Outside Society - The First And Most Fundamental Step Needed To Tackle The Problems Around Illicit Drug Use Is To Re-Admit Drug Users To The Human Race) Date: Tue, 23 Jun 1998 02:16:04 -0400 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Australia: OPED: Small Dose Of Humanity A Big Part Of The Cure For Our Drug Ills Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Ken Russell Pubdate: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 Source: The Age (Australia) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.theage.com.au Author: Nick Crofts Note: Dr Nick Crofts is the director of the Centre for Harm Reduction at the Macfarlane Burnet Centre for Medical Research. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org SMALL DOSE OF HUMANITY A BIG PART OF THE CURE FOR OUR DRUG ILLS OUR drug policies are inhuman, ineffective in achieving their stated goals, damaging in uncountable ways to the health of individuals and of society. They are enormously costly and corrupting. They don't work. So why do we not only continue with these policies but even extend them? Why do we attack strategies of proven effectiveness and humanity, including methadone maintenance and needle and syringe distribution? Simple. We do not care. Prohibition rests on a view of drug users as subhuman and outside society. The practice of prohibition reinforces these views. Internationally, drug users suffer human rights abuses from the most severe _ torture and death _ to daily irritations. They are discriminated against on every level and lack access to services we take for granted. The first and most fundamental step needed to tackle the problems around illicit drug use is to re-admit drug users to the human race. If we can refocus attention away from the demon heroin and on to the lives and desires of the people concerned - and if we can look for what works rather than what is electorally popular - then we will be devising very different approaches that will help. So where do we go? Programs of heroin replacement or opiate substitution have been tried in England, Italy, the Netherlands and Austria through the middle years of this century. All suffered from a lack of evaluation; all died as a result of political factors rather than any demonstrated ineffectiveness. Anecdotal information suggests those programs were probably effective. Proper clinical trials are under way with alternatives to methadone, including buprenorphine, long-acting oral morphine and a variety of longer-acting methadone. The aim is not to replace methadone, but to supplement it - methadone is not appropriate for everyone, and having a range of options broadens the potential client group. The results of the Swiss trial of heroin prescription are well known - large decreases in infections with blood-borne viruses and involvement in crime and violence, and major increases in socialisation, as measured by the ability to find and maintain employment. Following the Swiss lead, the Netherlands and Germany are beginning trials of heroin on prescription. Substitution or replacement therapies for other illicit drugs have not received nearly as much attention. Prescription of oral dexamphetamine as a replacement for amphetamines has been used for several years by a number of British programs, chief among them a program run in Portsmouth. This program has found that of clients receiving oral dexamphetamine, more than half stopped injecting, all decreased sharing, and most decreased the amount of amphetamines used. A trial is being started in Australia. This should not obscure the fact that in relation to treatment for people who have problems with illicit stimulants, we have little to offer them that works. It is possible to eradicate consumption of a drug from a society. In 1949 China had 20 million opiate-dependent people; by 1952 it had none. But the costs of the necessary strategies are too high for any humane society to contemplate. The lesson is, therefore, we must learn to live with drugs. Most of what is done in the field of illicit drugs has never been properly evaluated in terms of effectiveness. The main exceptions almost all come from the harm reduction approach - in particular, methadone maintenance and needle exchange. Almost all law enforcement approaches have either never been demonstrated to achieve their goals, or have been demonstrated not to. It is vital to have a clear definition of our goals. If we accept the international and historical evidence that drugs are here to stay, then our goal must be to ensure that the use of those drugs causes the least possible harm. If we state this clearly, we can move away from harmful approaches to drug use towards that which has been demonstrated to work. We are now in a nightmare mess of opinion, little of it based on fact. The international experience shows us the importance of evaluation and monitoring; but it also shows us the limited usefulness of scientific evidence in the face of political ideology. I arrived in the US in 1988 to work on AIDS among drug users to find two states with successful compulsory seat-belt legislation repealing those laws on the grounds of interference with private liberty. A similar situation exists in the US with methadone maintenance and needle exchange, and we are headed in the same direction. Overseas experience shows us that humanistic harm reduction approaches do work. The international experience also shows us that the drug war and ``zero tolerance'' approach not only does not work, it causes enormous damage to individuals and society. We must concentrate on stopping or decreasing the damage associated with the use of illicit drugs. The use of the drugs is a secondary concern, for two reasons; the drugs won't go away and if the use of a particular drug is causing no harm to the individual or society, or a level of harm which society judges to be acceptable, then it is not of concern. We must canvass all possible strategies towards a solution. The incarceration and ruination of the lives of young Australians, and the continuing death from so-called heroin overdoses, should remain on everyone's conscience - especially that of John Howard. We know what to do. We just lack the heart, and the will, to care for our young people.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Record Seizures Of Heroin From The East (A Translation Of An Article From Sweden's 'Svenska Dagbladet' Shows The Strictest Prohibitionist Laws In Europe Correlate With Increased Use) Date: Fri, 17 Jul 1998 10:23:02 -0700 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Switzerland: Record Seizures of Heroin From the East Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Simon Phillips Source: Svenska Dagbladet (Sweden) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.svd.se/svd/ettan/dagens/index.html Pubdate: Mon, 22 Jun 1998 Author: Elisabet Andresson Comment: Translated from Swedish RECORD SEIZURES OF HEROIN FROM THE EAST Heroin is one of the most feared drugs: the mortality among heroin users is many times higher than among other drug users. This year police and customs officials have uncovered record-breaking quantities of heroin in Sweden; among other reasons thanks to stepped up cooperation with the police in the former states of East Europe. About 65 kilograms of heroin have been seized in Sweden this year. That can be compared with 14 kilograms for all of 1997. "In all likelihood, cooperation with the Czech Republic and Slovakia has meant a lot," said Lennart Davidsson, the National Criminal Police Force"s expert on heroin smuggling from the Balkans. Today the Czech Republic and Slovakia are the main countries for heroin smugglers. Traffic that previously went via the Netherlands and Belgium, among other places, has moved eastwards. "Many criminals have discovered that the east is a good area to work in since the monitoring system is not as developed there," said Steve Alm, an expert on narcotics and narcotic preparations at the National Criminal Police Force. The heroin generally comes to Europe via Turkey and is then smuggled through the former Yugoslavia. Stashes are often uncovered in the Czech Republic, Slovakia or Hungary, and from there the heroin is moved out into Europe. "Just in terms of investigations, we are quite clear about how it is organized," said Thomas Servin, the chief of the drug-related and violence unit at the Skane county criminal police force. According to the police, it is mainly Kosovo Albanian rings that organize heroin smuggling into the Nordic area. With their low prices; and lower demands for profits; they have pushed other groups out of competition from portions of the European market. They have been successful, among other reasons, thanks to traditional ties to Turkey and a powerful network across Europe. "Between 80 and 90 percent of what has been seized in Sweden this year can be linked to Kosovo Albanian rings," Davidsson said. The rings often recruit unemployed young men from, for example, Germany and the Czech Republic as couriers. They look for men who look blonde and Nordic. The couriers then usually move the heroin in an EU-registered car to the Swedish border. The smuggling often occurs via Germany and Denmark; that is, EU countries, which means that customs authorities only get to do spot checks if they are suspicious. According to the police, it is Kosovo Albanians who to a large extent also receive the heroin in Sweden and send it onwards to sellers. "A minority of Kosovo Albanians in Sweden are engaged in it. These are men who do not see other alternatives if they want to earn money," Davidsson said. Currently several major heroin investigations are under way. But even if the police often say they know a lot about how the smuggling is organized, it can be difficult to get evidence in cases. Often it is only the courier who is caught. In 1996, though, three Kosovo Albanians who lived in Landskrona and Malmo were sentenced for having organized heroin smuggling to Sweden and thence to Norway. A problem for the police and prosecutors is that the couriers are almost always loyal to their employers. However one Czech courier, who was caught last year with one kilogram of heroin in Trelleborg, helped police get on the trail of Kosovo Albanian employers in Central Europe. Another problem is that within the rings too there is strong loyalty, which means that very little information slips out. "This involves very tight family-based organizations. Very rarely is there the internal dissension that you see in other, looser confederations," Alm said. No one knows whether this year's record-breaking seizures of heroin are due just to the fact that police and customs authorities have become more efficient or whether they also indicate that the smuggling has intensified. Yet there are indications that demand for heroin has increased in Sweden. "Here in Skane we have seen how many drug users are starting directly with heroin; previously most of them took the long route and might have started with hashish," Servin said. A drug user who buys heroin on the street frequently pays around 2,000 kronor per gram. That means that the seizures that have been made thus far this year would be worth 130 million kronor. -------------------------------------------------------------------
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