------------------------------------------------------------------- Drug Importer Sentenced To 30 Years, Fined $2 Million ('The Associated Press' Says Robert Charles Tillitz Of Crescent City, California, Was Sentenced Friday In Seattle By US District Judge Robert J. Bryan For Hiring Others To Pick Up 50,000 Pounds Of Hashish Offshore And Deliver It To A Dock In South Bend, Washigton, In August 1992) From: "Bob Owen" (email@example.com) To: "-Hemp Talk" (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: HT: Drug importer sentenced to 30 years, fined $2 million Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 21:13:21 -0700 Sender: email@example.com Drug importer sentenced to 30 years, fined $2 million The Associated Press 08/17/98 11:31 PM Eastern SEATTLE (AP) -- A California man has been sentenced to 30 years in prison and fined $2 million for smuggling hashish into Willapa Bay, in southwest Washington, and taking it to New York and California for sale. Robert Charles Tillitz, 45, of Crescent City, was sentenced Friday by U.S. District Judge Robert J. Bryan on 10 charges relating to the case. He was convicted of conspiracy to import and distribute the drug. He was accused of hiring others to pick up 50,000 pounds of hashish 1,500 miles offshore and deliver it to a dock in South Bend in August 1992. Tillitz fled to Mexico after federal agents began investigating his actions in November 1992. He was convicted by a jury on April 27, after being arrested in Mexico and returned to the United States in February of this year. *** When away, you can STOP and RESTART W.H.E.N.'s news clippings by sending an e-mail to firstname.lastname@example.org. Ignore the Subject: line. In the body put "unsubscribe when" to STOP. To RESTART, put "subscribe when" in the e-mail instead (No quotation marks.)
------------------------------------------------------------------- Congressional Republicans Play Role Of 'Big Brother' (An Op-Ed By Joanne Jacobs Of 'The San Jose Mercury News' In 'The Salt Lake Tribune' Faults The Reasoning Behind An Education Bill Sponsored By Representative Mark Souder, An Indiana Republican, That Would Suspend Federal College Loans To Students Convicted Of Using Marijuana And Coerce Them Into Rehab, Although It's Estimated A Third Of College Students Use Marijuana) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 15:04:26 -0400 To: MAP News (email@example.com) From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: OPED: Congressional Republicans Play Role Of 'Big Brother' Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com (Frank S. World) Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Source: The Salt Lake Tribune Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.sltrib.com/ Author: Joanne Jacobs, San Jose Mercury News CONGRESSIONAL REPUBLICANS PLAY ROLE OF 'BIG BROTHER' A free people may elect a government that saps their freedom, warned Alexis de Tocqueville in 1840. For their own good, of course. The Frenchman foresaw "an immense and tutelary power . . . absolute, minute, regular, provident and mild. It would be like the authority of a parent if, like that authority, its object was to prepare men for manhood; but it seeks, on the contrary, to keep them in perpetual childhood." We may not yet be "timid and industrious sheep," but Congress is certainly eager to shepherd our lives in the most minute detail. Even if it means turning college aid officials into drug enforcement agents, and Head Start teachers into welfare agents. The new higher education bill includes yet another look-tough-on-drugs scheme. This one would suspend federal college aid to students convicted of using or selling an illegal drug. The proponent, Rep. Mark Souder, an Indiana Republican, claims this will save students from reefer madness. The provision primarily would affect minor drug offenders, since those convicted of serious offenses will be enrolling in prison, not college. Students would lose one year of aid for drug possession, two years for a second offense. Three strikes and they're out. Selling drugs would merit a two-year suspension for a first offense; indefinite suspension for a second. However, students could regain financial aid earlier by completing a rehabilitation program and passing two surprise drug tests. Souder's very big on drug tests. He's also proposed giving federal funds to small businesses to pay for drug testing of employees. And he's promised to start random drug testing of himself and his staff. Linking college aid to drug-free urine could affect millions of students -- in theory. A majority of college students get some kind of aid, and 75 percent of aid involves federal funds. Furthermore, it's estimated a third of college students use marijuana. It won't affect the No. 1 substance abuse problem on campus: Binge drinking is epidemic. In a Harvard survey, 44 percent of college students admitted to binge drinking. In response to drinking restrictions, students have rioted this spring at Michigan State, Washington State, the University of Connecticut, Ohio University and other colleges, demanding "the right to party." But it will be OK for federal aid recipients to get blotto on booze every weekend as long as they don't get caught with marijuana. The Department of Education is supposed to enforce the smoke-a-joint, lose-your-scholarship law, but how? Court records don't report which drug offenders are attending which colleges, much less their scholarship status. And how are federal education bureaucrats going to evaluate when a student is rehabilitated if the student was never drug-dependent in the first place? Who's going to be dean of urine, imposing surprise drug tests on students? The Clinton administration opposes the provision, saying judges already can deny federal benefits to drug offenders. Not content with monitoring the behavior of college students, House Republicans have their eye on preschoolers. An amendment to the bill extending funding for Head Start would close the preschool door to kids if Mom is on welfare and fails to cooperate in establishing the paternity of her children, so that child support can be sought from their father. Again, it's duplication. Mothers can be denied welfare if they refuse to help establish paternity. Why deny children a Head Start on school because their mother has not met the requirements of an entirely separate program? Of course, college students should stay away from drugs and alcohol, whether or not they're receiving financial aid, so they don't blur their brains. Single mothers should identify the fathers of their children, so the kids will have some chance at a father and at the child support they deserve. And the rest of us should eat more fiber and less chocolate, lest Congress suspend our Social Security benefits. This big-daddy despotism "every day renders the exercise of the free agency of man less useful and less frequent," de Tocqueville wrote. "It circumscribes the will within a narrower range and gradually robs a man of all the uses of himself." For our own good.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Pot Advocates Replant After DEA Raid ('The San Francisco Chronicle' Says The San Francisco Group Californians For Compassionate Use, Led By Dennis Peron, Spent The Weekend Planting 130 New Cannabis Plants At A Farm In Lake County, Two Days After Federal Agents Confiscated A Fully Grown Crop There) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 10:20:24 -0700 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US CA: Pot Advocates Replant After DEA Raid Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com (Frank S. World) Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/ Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Author: Suzanne Espinosa Solis, Chronicle Staff Writer POT ADVOCATES REPLANT AFTER DEA RAID Medical marijuana crop grown on Lake County farm A group of medical marijuana advocates spent the weekend planting 130 new cannabis plants at a farm in Lake County, two days after federal agents confiscated a fully grown crop there. The San Francisco group Californians for Compassionate Use, led by Dennis Peron, had planned and publicized a weekend celebration -- a ``preharvest'' party for a crop of marijuana grown at a Lower Lake farm that was supposed to bring relief to people with HIV, AIDS, glaucoma, multiple sclerosis, epilepsy and cancer. But a preparty crash by 19 agents of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration changed those plans. The federal agents, accompanied by a deputy from the Lake County sheriff's department, showed up at the farm at 7:30 Friday morning with a search warrant. The agents handcuffed several of the 12 people at the farm, including Peron, and for the next 90 minutes proceeded to chop down the 130 plants, Peron said. One of the detainees got sick, vomited and had to take prescription medication during the raid, Peron said. The Saturday and Sunday celebration was held anyway, Peron said. But instead of ``harvesting'' a crop of pot, partygoers chopped vegetables in the kitchen and planted a new crop of the outlawed herb. ``We're mad, but we're partying,'' Peron said. Peron, who complained that people are being forced to purchase marijuana for medical reasons on the black market, said only one plant survived the DEA raid. No one was arrested in the raid, the second at the farm within a three-month period in which plants were taken but no arrests were made. ``They refuse to give us our day in court,'' Peron said. Peron opened the farm late last year as a ``resort'' for sick and dying people. The farm has eight bedrooms, small gardens and a pond. 1998 San Francisco Chronicle Page A19
------------------------------------------------------------------- The Court And Proposition 215 ('The Orange County Register' Reverses Itself In A Staff Editorial That Says It's Not Unreasonable To Prevent Medical Marijuana Patient Marvin Chavez From Invoking Proposition 215 Against Charges Arising From His Work For The Orange County Patient, Doctor, Nurse Support Group)From: email@example.com (MAPNews) To: "MAPNews-posts (E-mail)" (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: MN: US CA: Editorial: The Court And Prop. 215 Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 18:14:47 -0500 Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: John W. Black Source: Orange County Register (CA) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.ocregister.com/ Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 THE COURT AND PROP. 215 An Orange County Superior Court Judge ruled Friday that Marvin Chavez's attorneys may not use Proposition 215 as part of Mr. Chavez's defence against 10 counts of selling marijuana. Mr. Chavez is the director of the Orange County Patient, Doctor, Nurse Support Group, which has furnished marijuana to patients with a doctor's recommendation since the November 1996 passage of Prop. 215, which gives such patients and their primary caregivers a right to possess, use and grow marijuana. Judge Frank F. Fasel could have approved the use of Prop. 215 as a defense, but his ruling is not an unreasonable one, given the status of the medical marijuana law, which is still far from being sorted out. The ruling will make the job of Mr. Chavez's attorneys more difficult; the case now will be more narrowly focused on the question of whether or not he sold marijuana - not the purpose of the sale. There is no legal distinction between Mr. Chavez and a run-of-the-mill dope dealer, according to the District Attorney's Office, with Deputy D.A. Carl Armbrust taking the point position. Mr. Chavez stands accused of selling marijuana, have provided marijuana to an undercover officer who had a note from a fictitious doctor. If convicted, he could be sentenced to prison. Mr. Chavez could have taken an easier way out - he several days ago turned down a plea-bargain deal whereby he would have gotten no additional jail time and probation if he pled guilty. He opted for a trial; he doesn't believe he's guilty. Judge Fasel's ruling highlights a common problem in understanding and explaining how legal cases are sometimes decided - the difference between what would seem to be common sense and the law, which has evolved a complex system of determining what evidence may be presented under various circumstances, and is sometimes ambiguous or imperfectly drafted. As a matter of common sense, Marvin Chavez has been trying conscientiously to be part of the solution to implementing Prop. 215 - now Sec. 11362.5 of the California health and Safety Code - for almost two years. He formed his group shortly after the initiative passed and developed procedures to ensure that his group is not used to furnish marijuana to people who do not have a legitimate medical reason to use it. The members and most of the staff are patients themselves. The club keeps copies of doctors' notes and receipts for donations. The authorities knew that the way to get Mr. Chavez to furnish marijuana to an undercover officer was to show him what appeared to be a legitimate note from a doctor and a persuasive story of medical distress. Most drug dealers couldn't care less about such niceties; they just want the cash. However, while Prop. 215 provided that a certified medical need would provide that a certified medical need would provide a patient a defense against existing laws prohibiting possession, use and cultivation of marijuana and called upon the government to set up a "safe and affordable" distribution system, the initiative did not specifically provide a defense against charges of selling or transporting marijuana. And it defined "primary caregiver" in a way that does not specifically and unequivocally include operations like that of Marvin Chavez in that definition. You could take those facts and argue, as the city council in Oakland has, that the intent of Prop. 215 was to create a small and controlled "white market" for medical marijuana patients. The Oakland council last week passed an ordinance that includes the local Oakland Cannabis Club as part of the city-authorized distribution system and takes the additional step of declaring the club's officers to be official agents of the city in an effort to immunize them from state and federal prosecution. It is likely to be tested in court. Or you could take the same facts and argue that the initiative is so deficie nt that it can't be implemented without legislative action refining it (perhaps at the state, city or local level) and that the court's job is not to do that legislative job by declaring that what Mr. Chavez has done is proper implementation. If that means rulings that highlight the contradictions and shortcomings of the initiative itself, so be it. Even given those assumptions, however, you could argue that the jury in Mr. Chavez's specific case deserves to know that he was attempting - even if imperfectly and perhaps even illegally - to implement Prop. 215. Judge Fasel didn't so rule. As the trial unfolds, we hope some local governments consider writing ordinances - perhaps like Oakland's, perhaps a less assertive version akin to Arcata's - that would provide guidelines and procedures for the orderly and legal implementation of the voters' wishes as expressed in the passage of Prop. 215.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Oakland's Pot Officers (A Staff Editorial In 'The San Francisco Chronicle' Says The Oakland City Council's Use Of A Federal Anti-Drug Law To Legalize The Distribution Of Medical Marijuana Through The Oakland Cannabis Buyers' Cooperative Was A Clever Bit Of Lawyering - The Legislature Should Design A System Of Legal Medical Marijuana Distribution And Leave It To Local Communities To Decide If They Want A Hometown Dispensary) Date: Tue, 18 Aug 1998 13:25:36 -0700 From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Organization: BlueDot To: email@example.com Subject: MN: US CA: Editorial: Oakland's Pot Officers Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org (Tom O'Connell) Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/ Pubdate: 17 Aug 1998 Page: A20 OAKLAND'S DEFIANT use of a federal anti-drug law loophole to legalize the distribution of medical marijuana was a clever bit of lawyering that will keep the Oakland Cannabis Buyers Cooperative open for the time being. But California needs clear and comprehensive legislation to properly control the distribution of medical pot similar to regulations controlling prescription drugs. The state Legislature should get on the job and set up regulations for a safe, legal and convenient way to get medical pot to sick people as approved by the voters in 1996 when they passed Proposition 215. Last week, Oakland declared the Cannabis Cooperative an official city agency and designated the club's staff as officers of the city, immune from prosecution under the Federal Controlled Substance Act. A provision of that law gives immunity to local officials enforcing drug laws. Oakland's attorneys claim the immunity extends to ``city officers'' who possess, purchase and sell medical pot. Attorney General Dan Lungren's office says Oakland is acting illegally, but has no plans to move against the club, leaving it to local law enforcement agencies that seem to have little interest in busting the club. Since Prop. 215 was passed two years ago, state and federal agents have harassed medical pot clubs until there are only three left, in Oakland, Marin County and Ukiah. That's not what the voters had in mind; 56 percent of California voters said sick people should have legal access to medicinal pot. And many doctors and patients insist pot is an effective nostrum for an array of ailments and conditions. Oakland is doing the humane thing, but it should not have to manipulate the law to stave off prosecutors. The Legislature should design a system of legal medical marijuana distribution and leave it to local communities to decide if they want a hometown dispensary. 1998 San Francisco Chronicle
------------------------------------------------------------------- Activists Seek To Limit Three-Strikes Law Sentencing ('The Los Angeles Times' Describes A Group Of Orange County Activists Called Families To Amend Three Strikes, Part Of A Cadre Of Southern Californians Seeking To Limit The Use Of California's 1994 Law To Cases Involving Violent And Especially Serious Crimes) Newshawk: Jim Rosenfield Source: Los Angeles Times (CA) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.latimes.com/ Pubdate: August 17, 1998 Fax: 213-237-4712 Author: Lisa Richardson, Times Staff Writer ACTIVISTS SEEK TO LIMIT THREE-STRIKES LAW SENTENCING Crime: Group Says Life Terms For Some Offenses Are Overly Harsh. Assembly Is Expected To Vote This Week On Whether To Study The Issue. By age 12, Shane Reams regularly smoked marijuana. By high school, he was strung out on crack. Twice he burglarized neighbors' homes to support his habit. And because his mother believed in tough love, she drove him to the police station to turn him in. Sue Reams didn't realize that she also was helping convict her son of the first two strikes that placed him behind bars for 25 years to life after the 28-year-old's drug-related arrest last year. "I never, ever, would have done what I did if I'd known it would lead to this," said Reams, who supported the popular three-strikes law--until it ensnared her son. Now, she helps lead a group of Orange County activists called Families to Amend Three Strikes, part of a cadre of Southern Californians seeking to limit the use of the 1994 law to cases involving violent and especially serious crimes. The organization began last year as a support group mainly for grieving mothers and wives of men facing life in prison. It is now a growing political force within a similar statewide movement and boasts close ties to chapters in Los Angeles, San Diego and San Jose. Reams and others concede that they have embraced an unsympathetic cause and face an uphill battle. But they say that the three-strikes law--which calls for a prison sentence of 25 years to life for defendants with three or more felony convictions--is overly harsh. In Orange County, nonviolent drug offenses have accounted for roughly 70% of the estimated 600 third-strike convictions since the law's passage, according to Public Defender Carl Holmes, who said there are similar statistics throughout Southern California. The group's immediate goal is to convince the Legislature to vote in favor of studying the costs of the three-strikes law--an analysis that members hope will jolt the public into recognizing that billions in tax dollars are being spent to keep drug addicts behind bars. "We don't put all the alcoholics in jail, so should we put all the drug offenders in jail for life?" asked Reams, who answered her own question by saying public funds would be better used to help drug users beat their addictions. Many of the group's members say they support tough punishment for violent offenders. And Reams does not dispute that her son should be in prison for his drug violations. But she said he never physically harmed anyone and does not deserve such a severe punishment. Members say their biggest victory to date has been gaining the support of Rep. Scott Baugh (R-Huntington Beach). Baugh emphasized that he supports the three-strikes law, but believes that it may need improvement. "It appears there have been some unjust applications of the law, and I don't think we should be afraid to evaluate whether that indeed is true," he said. The Orange County branch works closely with the Los Angeles chapter, which says that having members from a conservative enclave like Orange County helps legitimize its cause. After the South-Central group held a candlelight vigil, Orange County's did too. South-Central members held a town hall meeting in February; Orange County members had one in May. Orange County residents have picketed along Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard in Los Angeles; Los Angeles members have attended events in Orange County. "There's a tremendous appreciation in L.A. for Orange County," said Geri Silva of the Los Angeles branch. Members went to Sacramento recently to testify before the Assembly regarding the need for the fiscal study. It has taken unrelenting effort to push the request for an analysis to the Assembly floor. But successes are measured in increments and activists see a long-term fight ahead. With a vote expected this week, a push is underway. "We've moved all the people who are going to be moved by the emotional aspect of the issue. Now we need to move the economic conservatives," said Orange County activist Tim Carpenter. "That's the final frontier for us and it's not going to be easy." Recent meetings with Orange County legislators have yielded mixed results. Rep. Richard Ackerman (R-Fullerton) said he met with the group last week and came away unsure that a three-strikes study is needed. Ackerman said he did his own research and concluded that a study would be premature. "Also, I know it's expensive to lock people up for life, but it's also expensive to have criminals victimizing society," Ackerman said. And although foes of the three-strike's law say Reams' story is a good example of why the law should be amended, proponents say it underscores why the law works. Although arrested and jailed as a juvenile, Shane Reams continued his pattern of drug use and crime into adulthood. Imprisoning him may be expensive, but it keeps him off the street, say proponents of the three-strikes law. "Once a person's committed two serious or violent felonies, the emphasis should be on protecting society rather than worrying about helping the criminal," said Orange County Assistant Dist. Atty. Brent Romney, director of Municipal Court operations. "Also, it's not that hard to not commit a felony." One of the most persuasive critics of the three-strikes law is public defender Holmes, who is armed with statistics and stories of seemingly trivial offenses punished with life sentences. "I think everyone who voted for the three-strikes law expected we were going after violent people who were hurting our children," Holmes said. But most of the public defender's cases are for drug possession, he said. "We have people here convicted on three strikes for theft of doughnuts or beer," Holmes said. Romney agreed that programs to help drug addicts beat their addictions would be welcome. But until then, his job is to punish people who commit crimes. "When people in our society can come up with some kind of a program to help these addicts overcome their addiction, our office will be one of the very first to support and endorse it," he said. "'Incarceration is not the best answer, but right now it's the best answer to protect society." Copyright 1998 Los Angeles Times. All Rights Reserved
------------------------------------------------------------------- 16-Year-Old Boy Charged In Shooting Of Officer ('The Chicago Tribune' Says A Plainclothes Prohibition Agent Who Was Shot While Watching The Free Market In Action At A Chicago Housing Project Amid A Gang War Clung To Life Sunday As The Suspect's Mother Said Her Son 'Was At A Party Until 4 In The Morning - I Have 20 Other People Who Saw Him There') Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 21:31:40 -0800 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US IL: 16-Year-Old Boy Charged In Shooting Of Officer Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Steve Young (email@example.com) Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Source: Chicago Tribune (IL) Section: Metro Chicago, P. 1 Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.chicago.tribune.com/ Author: Graeme Zielinski 16-YEAR-OLD BOY CHARGED IN SHOOTING OF OFFICER A 16-year-old boy serving as a security guard for a narcotics operation at a South Side housing development fired the gunshot that left a young Wentworth District police officer clinging to life late Sunday, authorities alleged. Officials on Sunday cited the suspect in a juvenile petition, charging him with attempted murder, aggravated battery and aggravated discharge of a weapon. The teenager was apprehended shortly after the predawn shooting Saturday at the Robert Taylor Homes building at 4101 S. Federal St. He was scheduled to appear Monday for a detention hearing in Cook County Juvenile Court. Prosecutors could seek to have the teenager transferred to adult court. The officer, 26-year-old Michael Ceriale, remained in critical condition Sunday in Cook County Medical Center. By late Sunday, he had undergone four surgeries. "His vitals had stabilized Saturday afternoon but now they are erratic, and we are guarding him very carefully," the hospital administrator said. The bullet, fired at a distance of about 60 to 70 yards, lodged into Ceriale's lower abdomen just as he and another young partner were seeking cover to watch drug deals at the high-rise, Wentworth Area Detective Cmdr. Danny Gibson said Sunday at a news conference. One police officer compared the narcotics trade at the Taylor building to that at a grocery store. Family members have kept a revolving vigil at the officer's bedside, hospital officials said. Throughout Sunday, Chicago police broadcast updates of Ceriale's condition over the radio at the request of hospital officials, who said the high volume of police calls was overloading switchboards there. Administrators said the hospital received nearly 25 inquiries an hour. The defendant's relatives described him as tall, gangly and unassuming, and they said he had had frequent run-ins with the law. He was charged as a juvenile Sunday because the counts against him do not automatically trigger a transfer to the adult system. Prosecutors still could seek to have the teenager tried as an adult, but Marcy O'Boyle, a spokeswoman for the Cook County state's attorney, would not disclose whether those charges would be sought. Three relatives of the youth, an incoming junior at DuSable High School, said that in interviews he was not in the vicinity of the shooting but that he was at a party in a housing complex several blocks away. He lives with his mother in the high-rise at 4022 S. State St., about a block away from the shooting. "He was at a party until 4 in the morning," his tearful mother said Sunday. "I have 20 other people who saw him there. All I know is that (police) took my baby away." Police said they were continuing their investigation but would not say whether they were seeking more suspects. Gibson said the shooting took place about 3:30 a.m. Saturday as Ceriale and his partner, both with about 18 months of experience, crouched in bushes to get a clear and clandestine view of the alleged drug outfit working out of the building. The bushes, on Root Street next to the building, are banked by a concrete wall and are set amid soiled mattresses, broken bottles and other filth. On a wall nearby is the painted message, "Give a Helping Hand to Our Community." The officers were not in uniform, Gibson said, a measure of their advanced responsibilities. Ceriale "is an excellent officer. Otherwise, he wouldn't be in civilian dress," Gibson said. As the two officers angled for a view, police said, four young men worked as sentries for the drug operation. Gibson said that after it became clear their position might have been compromised, Ceriale turned to his partner and said, "I think they made us." Then, Gibson said, Ceriale was shot. The other officer was not injured. In the hours following the shooting, Gibson said, several suspects were held for questioning. He did not say whether the 16-year-old cited made statements that led to the juvenile citation. One relative who insisted on anonymity said the suspect performs in a dance troupe and was performing at an all-night party several blocks away from the shooting scene. He said that the suspect had had a violent run-in with police on Thursday. "That's why he's in trouble now," the relative said. A resident of the high-rise where the shooting took place, who insisted on anonymity for fear of reprisal, said the sentries likely did not suspect a police presence. "They was shooting at the other gangs," the man said. "There's a war going on here." Police sources confirmed that gunfire is frequently exchanged among gangs in the complex, where transients shift from building to building. "This is one of the worst buildings there is," said William Roberison, a Wentworth District patrol officer and 19-year veteran, as he surveyed the high-rise Sunday. He described the active drug trade there: "It's like a grocery store. . . . They run that first floor." Roberison pointed to bullet holes in parked vehicles in a nearby parking lot. The complex, he said, is gang-controlled, though these individuals go into hiding whenever police are around. "There's all these young guys, they don't even live in the building," Roberison said.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Bribery Suspected In Major Drug Trial (According To 'The Chicago Tribune,' Sunday's 'Miami Herald' Said A Juror Who Bought A Cadillac And A Rolex After Serving In The 1996 Trial Of Two Reputed Cocaine Kingpins Is Under Investigation For Allegedly Accepting A Bribe, Even Though The Jury Voted Unanimously For Acquittal) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 21:26:23 -0800 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US FL: Bribery Suspected In Major Drug Trial Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Steve Young (email@example.com) Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Source: Chicago Tribune (IL) Section: Sec. 1 Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.chicago.tribune.com/ Author: Tribune News Services BRIBERY SUSPECTED IN MAJOR DRUG TRIAL MIAMI, FLORIDA -- Federal prosecutors believe a juror who served in the 1996 trial of two reputed cocaine kingpins received $500,000 to secure at least a hung jury. A man who bought a Cadillac and a Rolex after serving on the jury in the trial of Salvador "Sal" Magluta and Augusto "Willie" Falcon is under investigation for allegedly accepting a bribe to cast not-guilty votes, The Miami Herald reported Sunday. Magluta and Falcon were acquitted of 17 counts of drug smuggling in February 1996. It was a shocking defeat for the government in the face of what prosecutors and agents considered overwhelming evidence. Roy Black, Magluta's lawyer, said the not-guilty verdict was unanimous and did not hinge on any one vote.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Clearing The Air About Hemp (A Letter To The Editor Of 'The Wall Street Journal' From Erwin A. Sholts, Chairman Of The North American Industrial Hemp Council, Dispels Some Misconceptions And Provides The URL For The NAIH's Recent White Paper, 'Hemp And Marijuana - Myths And Realities') Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 20:11:13 -0700 (PDT) From: Robert Lunday (email@example.com) To: firstname.lastname@example.org Subject: HT: Hemp Editorial: Wall Street Journal (fwd) Sender: email@example.com ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 18:49:14 -0400 From: Joe Hickey (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: Hemp Editorial: Wall Street Journal THE WALL STREET JOURNAL New York, New York August 17, 1998 EDITORIAL PAGE Clearing the Air About Hemp I was quite surprised to read the July 15 Marketplace piece, "This Hemp Beer Is Legal, But Its Ads Hint Otherwise." The article states, "Stalks of the hemp plant are used in rope; its leaves and flowers produce marijuana." This is simply not true. Industrial hemp's leaves and flowers, unlike those of marijuana, contain negligible amounts of THC (less than 1%) and have no psychoactive qualities. Smoking hemp would actually lead to a big headache. Twenty-nine nations, including Canada, England, Germany, France and China all legally recognize hemp's non-drug status. Canadian farmers will be harvesting about 4,500 acres of hemp fiber and seed in the coming weeks. The above countries all have strict laws forbidding marijuana cultivation, while allowing farmers to grow industrial hemp. The North American Industrial Hemp Council has published a white paper, "Hemp and Marijuana: Myths and Realities," by David P. West, Ph.D., which is available at www.naihc.org. The North American Industrial Hemp Council is a coalition drawn from industry, agriculture, academia and the environmental movement working to reintroduce this sustainable and versatile seed and fiber crop. The U.S. Department of Justice Drug Enforcement Administration and Gen. Barry McCaffrey continue to state that hemp is marijuana or that hemp is only a "novel market." The "novel marketeers" using hemp include: Mercedes Benz, Adidas, Armani, The Body Shop and Interface Carpets. Jeffrey W. Gain, an NAIHC board member, was recently quoted in an AP article as saying, "I feel the industrial hemp crop could very easily be the soybean crop of the new millennium." Mr. Gain is a former executive director of the American Soybean Association. Tobacco farmers, who now see the handwriting on the wall, are desperately looking for profitable new crops such as hemp. Farmers also see hemp as a useful rotation crop, which chokes out weeds and requires little if any pesticides. The University of Kentucky's Center for Business and Economic Research just released a study which concluded that hemp could provide farmers the second highest per-acre income after tobacco. Recently, several Kentucky farmers filed a suit in federal court, challenging the U.S. government's current ban on growing hemp. Ironically, U.S. farmers can grow an addictive drug crop, tobacco, while growing hemp (a nondrug crop) is banned due to a flawed federal policy. American farmers and manufacturers are thus hamstrung, while our foreign counterparts profit by supplying hemp to a growing marketplace. In the long run, market forces--not outdated policies--will prevail. Erwin A. Sholts Chairman North American Industrial Hemp Council Inc. Madison, Wisconsin
------------------------------------------------------------------- Parole And Probation Use Continues To Grow (According To A Brief Item In 'The Daily Herald' In Illinois, The US Justice Department's Bureau Of Justice Statistics Said Sunday That A Record 3.9 Million Men And Women Were On Probation Or Parole In The United States At The End Of 1997, An Increase Of 2.9 Percent - Nearly One Out Of Every 35 Adults In The United States Is In Prison, In Jail Or On Probation Or Parole)Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 21:23:17 -0800 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: Parole And Probation Use Continues To Grow Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Steve Young (email@example.com) Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Source: Daily Herald (IL) Section: Sec. 1, p. Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.dailyherald.comPAROLE AND PROBATION USE CONTINUES TO GROW WASHINGTON - A record 3.9 million men and women were on probation or parole in the United States at the end of 1997, the Justice Department said Sunday. The department's Bureau of Justice Statistics said 110,000 people were added to the total last year, a 2.9 percent increase. The average annual increase has been 3.0 percent since 1990. By the end of 1997, nearly one out of every 35 adults in the United States was in prison, in jail or on probation or parole.
------------------------------------------------------------------- More Than 3.9 Million Americans On Probation Or Parole ('The Associated Press' Version In 'The Seattle Times') From: "Bob Owen" (email@example.com) To: "-News" (firstname.lastname@example.org) Subject: More than 3.9 million Americans on probation or parole Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 11:33:09 -0700 Sender: email@example.com Copyright (c) 1998 The Seattle Times Company Posted at 06:15 a.m. PDT; Monday, August 17, 1998 More than 3.9 million Americans on probation or parole by The Associated Press WASHINGTON - The number of Americans on criminal probation or parole hit a record 3.9 million at the end of 1997 as the growth rate in that group remained about average, the Justice Department reports. About 110,000 people were added to the total last year, a 2.9 percent increase compared with an average annual increase of 3 percent since 1990, the department's Bureau of Justice Statistics said yesterday. By the end of 1997, nearly one out of every 35 adults in the United States was in prison, in jail or on probation or parole - a total of 5.7 million adults, or nearly 2.9 percent of the population. Felony convictions accounted for 54 percent of the 3,261,888 adults on probation at year-end. Twenty-eight percent had been convicted of misdemeanors, 14 percent for driving while intoxicated and 4 percent for other offenses. There were 685,033 adults on parole, a conditional, supervised release after a prison term. The vast majority, 96 percent, had been imprisoned on felony convictions. More than 1.6 million probationers and 400,000 parolees were released from supervision in 1997. That year, 18 percent of the probationers and 41 percent of the parolees who were released from supervision were incarcerated again.
------------------------------------------------------------------- 3.9 Million People Are On Probation Or Parole In US ('The San Francisco Chronicle' Version) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 14:28:39 -0700 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: 3.9 Million People Are On Probation Or Parole In U.S. Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org (Tom O'Connell) Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/ Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 3.9 MILLION PEOPLE ARE ON PROBATION OR PAROLE IN U.S. A record 3.9 million people were on probation or parole in the United States at the end of 1997, the Justice Department said yesterday. The department's Bureau of Justice Statistics said that 110,000 people were added to the total last year, a 2.9 percent increase. The average annual increase has been 3 percent since 1990. Each year has seen a record set because of increases in the number of people moving through the criminal justice system since the 1980s. By the end of 1997, nearly one out of every 35 adults in the United States was in prison, in jail or on probation or parole - a total of 5.7 million adults, or nearly 2.9 percent of the population, the department said. Felony convictions accounted for 54 percent of the 3,261,888 adults on probation at end of 1997. Another 28 percent had been convicted of misdemeanors. Driving while intoxicated or under the influence of alcohol accounted for 14 percent of the probationers and other offenses for 4 percent.
------------------------------------------------------------------- American Psychological Association Passes Resolution Opposing Mandatory Minimums (The Largest Association Of Psychologists In The World, With More Than 155,000 Members, Passed A Resolution Sunday Urging The Phasing Out Of Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Laws On The Federal And State Level - 'For Drug-Related Offenses That Do Not Involve Drug Trafficking And When No Other Offense Or Harm To Others Is Involved, And The Proper Emphasis On Prevention And Treatment Of Substance-Related Problems As An Alternative To And In Addition To Legal Actions') Date: Wed, 19 Aug 1998 16:59:20 -0400 From: detcom (firstname.lastname@example.org) Organization: Peru Support Committee/Detroit To: "DRCTalk Reformers' Forum" (email@example.com) Subject: APA Resolution Passes Opposing Mandatory Minimums Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Sender: email@example.com APA Resolution Passes Opposing Mandatory Minimums Recieved: Mon, 17 Aug 1998: At a Council of Representatives Meeting of the 50 Divisions of the American Psychological Association held in San Francisco on Aug. 16, 1998, a Resolution was passed urging the phasing out of mandatory minimum sentencing laws on the federal and state level. The APA has a worldwide membership of 155,000 and is the largest association of psychologists in the world. Current President of the APA is Martin E. P. Seligman, Ph.D. The Resolution was sponsored by Div. 32, Humanistic Psychology, as presented by its representative, Dr. E. Mark Stern (New York), and co-sponsored by the following Divisions: Div. 50, Addictions Div. 27, Community Research & Action Div. 36, Psychology of Religion Div. 28, Psychopharmacology and Substance Abuse The Resolution reads as follows (the "issue" section has been lightly edited for clarity's sake): ISSUE: In their attempt to respond to the possession and sale of illegal drugs, the federal government and many state legislatures have imposed mandatory minimum prison sentences. This approach has backfired. As judicial discretion has been abandoned, the ideal of rehabilitation has receded. "Designed to suppress the drug trade," editorializes The New York Times (1998) "these sentences (rival) those for murder and rape .. Instead of wiping out the drug markets, the laws (have) overloaded prisons and court dockets with addicts and low level couriers." In a longitudinal study based on data from Jan. 1, 1984 through June 30, 1990, the average drug sentence increased 74%, from 68 to 118 months during the period studied (Meierhoefer, 1992). In a separate report, the US Justice Department estimated that one of every 29 citizens, that is 5% of the population, can anticipate serving time in a Federal or State prison during their lifetime. The likelihood of being imprisoned is much higher proportionately for blacks (16 %) and Hispanics (9%) than for whites (2%). At the current level, a newborn black male has a 1 in 4 chance of being imprisoned, while newborn Hispanic males face a 1 in 6 chance (U.S. Dept. of Justice Sourcebook, 1996). Legally, tests of mandatory minimum sentencing are currently airtight. Judges are not allowed discretion in imposing 5, 10, 20, 40 and 50 years to life, without parole. The only variables are the amounts of drugs involved, prior offenses and whether a firearm was involved. Nothing else can be considered such as youth, addiction or social circumstances. A primary myth of mandatory minimum sentences is that they are effective in fighting crime. "Criminals" are, after all, jailed for long periods, sometimes for life. Shouldn't the public expect crime to fall? Mandatory prison sentences, however, have not controlled drug abuse and illegal drug use remains an overwhelming presence among our youth. Sentences for violent offenders are far less harsh than those for nonviolent first-time offenders. In fact, 10 year sentences with no parole are mandatory for possessing any of the following substances: 1 gm LSD; 100 kilos of plants of marujuana; 5 gm crack; 100 gm powder cocaine; 100 gm heroin; 10 gm methamphetamine; and 10 gm PCP. Compare this with the average Federal sentences of 5 years for manslaughter and 3.75 years for assault, both with parole allowed (U.S. Sentencing Commission). Mandatory minimum drug sentencing dictates that no mitigating facts can be considered and no parole. A resolution adopted by the 12 Federal Circuit Courts of Appeals at its Judicial Conference voted to urge Congress to reconsider the wisdom of mandatory minimum sentences statutes and to restructure such statutes so that the U.S. Sentencing Commission can uniformly establish guidelines for all criminal statutes to avoid unwarranted disparities from the Sentencing Report Act (Title II of the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, Public Law 98-473). In a background paper on the Rockefeller Drug Law "reform", the Correctional Association of New York calculated that the cost in New York of keeping a confined drug offender in prison is $30,000 a year compared to $2,700 to $3,600 per year for most outpatient drug programs and $17,000 to $20,000 per year for residential programs. New York's highest court, the Court of Appeals, has pointed out that the operation of the State's sentencing laws "has resulted in the incarceration of many offenders whose crimes arose out of their own addiction and for whom the costs of imprisonment would have been better spent on treating and rehabilitation." In the case of low-level street dealers, taxpayers funds would, according to the Court, have been "more productively and humanely directed toward prevention, through education and treatment of drug addictions." The American Bar Association has passed a resolution condemning mandatory minimum sentences, and Human Rights Watch, a group that monitors international human rights violations, declared in its March 1997 newsletter that "Mandatory minimum sentences contravene the Universal Declaration of Rights, the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment." The field of psychology has been sorely challenged to respond to these "rigidly Draconian drug laws" (The New York Times, 1998). They have had the effect of distancing scholars and practitioners from their potential effectiveness as change agents, foiling the potential of both rehabilitative programs and humane criminal justice policies (Haney & Zimbardo, 1998). The American Psychological Association has an opportunity to confront mandatory minimum drug sentencing laws with its wide knowledge and practice base at a time when these laws are coming under increased scrutiny. MAIN MOTION: WHEREAS mandatory minimum drug sentencing laws reduce judicial discretion and require incarceration of offenders whose criminal behavior is limited to drug possession and use, and who may be first time offenders; WHEREAS minor drug offenders receive harsh mandatory minimum sentences, regardless of their limited role in the offense, leaving the Chief Justice of the United States, William Rehnquist (commenting on a first-time offender sentenced to life imprisonment) to call such mandatory drug sentencing good examples "of the law of unintended circumstances," WHEREAS convicted offenders with substance abuse problems typically are remanded to prisons that lack adequate substance abuse treatment and HIV prevention programs that are essential for drug abusers; WHEREAS mandatory minimum drug sentencing laws have contributed significantly to the more than threefold increase in the U.S. prison population during the past decade and have disproportionately involved minorities and the poor, especially African American and Hispanic males; WHEREAS research on the cost-effectiveness of different drug control strategies has shown that substance abuse treatment, even with its known limitations, is a cost-effective strategy to reduce drug use; WHEREAS the U.S. federal drug control budget heavily favors interdiction approaches to the US. drug problem to the detriment of providing adequate funding for drug treatment and prevention; WHEREAS research on cocaine dosage forms has shown that the differences in the severity of sentences for powder and crack cocaine are not based on supportable differences in the psychological or biological impact of those dosage forms; BE IT THEREFORE RESOLVED that the American Psychological Association supports in principle restoration of reasonable boundaries in mandatory drug sentencing laws, the phasing out of such laws at both the state and federal levels for drug-related offenses that do not involve drug trafficking and when no other offense or harm to others is involved, and the proper emphasis on prevention and treatment of substance-related problems as an alternative to and in addition to leal actions. Passed, August 16, 1998
------------------------------------------------------------------- DEA Drives Off The Old Guard ('Insight On The News' Says Changing Times Brought On By Janet Reno Have Forced Many Of The Drug Enforcement Administration's 'Jurassic Narcs,' The Most Experienced, Toughest Agents, Into Early Retirement, And Alleges With A Straight Typeface Their Departure May Be Great News For 'Drug' Cartels) Date: Fri, 31 Jul 1998 03:38:32 -0400 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: US: DEA Drives Off The Old Guard Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: firstname.lastname@example.org (Frank S. World) Pubdate: August 17, 1998 Source: Insight On The News Online Section: Vol. 14, No. 30 Contact: email@example.com Website: www.insightmag.com Author: Jamie Dettmer Note: Published in Washington, D.C. DEA DRIVES OFF THE OLD GUARD Changing times brought on by Janet Reno have forced many of the agency's most experienced, toughest agents into early retirement. Their departure may be great news for drug cartels. They call themselves the "Jurassic narcs" -- a fitting description for such an endangered species. Most of them came to law enforcement after service in Vietnam, where they'd witnessed not only the stunning defeat inflicted on the United States but had watched helplessly as heroin, LSD and marijuana attacked the moral fiber of the military. The images fixed in their memories of comrades transformed into drug zombies and friends dead from overdoses prompted hundreds of veterans to enlist in the war on drugs, to join Lyndon Johnson's Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs and later Richard Nixon's replacement superagency, the Drug Enforcement Administration, or DEA. . . . . "We had a mission and we were out to fulfill it," remarks a 20-year DEA veteran. "Sure it beat the tedium of an ordinary 9-to-5 job. There was, I suppose, a selfishness about what we were doing -- wives, families, suffered. But we were serious about it, really committed." . . . . For those who had seen service in Indochina, such as Celerino Castillo, fighting drug dealers and traffickers amounted to a cause. Writing in his memoir Powderburns, after he left the DEA in 1990, the Texas native and son of a World War II veteran recalled having learned to "hate the OJs (marijuana joints soaked in opium) and needles as much as I hated the enemy." The Viet Cong didn't kill the first GI he watched die, he says; heroin did. "His death scene gave me a purpose. If ever I left Vietnam, I would put all my energy into fighting America's drug habit," Castillo wrote. . . . Two, three decades later, the Jurassic narcs -- Vietnam vets and their contemporaries in the DEA who adopted a no-nonsense, crusading style to drug-busting -- are a dwindling band. For some, ill health and death have intervened. Others were exhausted by the fight and grabbed pensions early. But in the last five years the march of time has been given a sharp shove by DEA chief Tom Constantine -- who with little fanfare or notice from Congress or the media has been presiding over a shake-out and a changing of the guard at America's leading agency in the war on drugs. Or so say internal agency critics -- people who use the word purge. . . . . Constantine, who was plucked in 1993 from his post as superintendent of the New York State Police by Attorney General Janet Reno and FBI Director Louis Freeh to head the DEA, has engineered a revolution by stealth. Veteran agents charge that through harassment, administrative leaves, constant transfers and a hair-trigger readiness to believe the worst of any of his older agents, unleashing prolonged internal-affairs probes against them, Constantine has forced out many of the remaining Jurassic narcs. Those encouraged to leave include some of the DEA's most successful and experienced agents -- people whose names might appear on a roll call of honor or an index to a chronicle of the agency's most significant busts. . . . Among the casualties whose careers read like movie scripts: Ed Heath, the former DEA attach=E9 in Mexico who moved heaven and earth to identify those behind the 1985 Guadalajara murder of agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena; Phil Jordan, a former director of the El Paso Intelligence Center; Don Ferrarone, the Houston special agent in charge, or SAC, who at the time of his forced departure last year from the DEA was hot on the trail of drug-linked Mexican politicians; Hector Berrellez, a bulldog of a man who kidnapped a Mexican doctor suspected of involvement in the Camarena murder; Billy Mockler, who in the 1980s in Colombia slipped a transmitter into a batch of precursor chemicals, tracked it, and busted a vast Medell=EDn-cartel jungle cocaine lab; and the legendary Frank White, who when asked during a trial why he'd shot a notorious Florida drug-dealer nine times, responded: "Nine? Because I ran out of bullets." . . . . And that's just scratching the surface. A top list also would include Ken Cloud, Tommy Burn, John O'Neil, Glen Cooper and Frank Rodriguez, the DEA attach=E9 in Mexico City last year who was made the scapegoat, sources say, for a Washington intelligence snafu that embarrassed U.S. drug czar Barry McCaffrey. "We've lost the best," laments a veteran U.S. lawman. "The DEA ain't ever going to be the same." . . . That would seem to be Constantine's aim. All the current SACs except for one are Constantine appointees. To hasten a generational change, there's been fast-track promotion of younger agents. Most first-line supervisors now have less than eight years of DEA experience, compared with an average 15 to 20 years' experience for supervisors a decade ago. . . . . No one has written an elegy for the Jurassic narcs. Their passing, though, deserves one -- they were the DEA equivalent of the FBI's famous Eliot Ness generation, the Untouchables. And any obituary for them should raise questions about the effectiveness of the culture that's replacing them. It also should prompt the query: Why has Constantine been so eager to rip out the agency's past? According to the old guard, the Jurassic narcs just don't fit the Constantine DEA where, they say, individual initiative is now frowned upon. The agency's traditional rebellious streak has been scrubbed. "Bureaucracy rules the roost," remarks one of the vets. Others lament the loss of a can-do energy, of a sense of a crusade that was exhibited to the nth degree by the Jurassic narcs. "There used to be an old law-enforcement saying about the DEA and FBI," remarks a drug warrior who left the agency two years ago because he says he had fought his war and needed rest. "The FBI is an outstanding institution with mediocre people; the DEA is a mediocre institution with outstanding people. It is the outstanding who're leaving and only time will tell whether the new bunch will compare." . . . . Bitter complaints of the Constantine-engineered change in DEA personnel and culture now have spilled into public. A World Wide Web site called "DEA Watch" has become the online vehicle for old-guard attacks on "Constantinople," as the vets scornfully refer to the agency now. Among the recent contributions: "HQ doesn't want fighters, they want bookworms and yes-men ... the kind of people who'd rather fight the drug war behind a desk. It takes fighters to take down drug dealers." Other Watch contributors say the DEA has become "a vicious circle of promotion-seekers" and a "dog-eat-dog agency." Of the new generation of rapidly promoted first-line supervisors in Constantinople, one vet says: "Some are 90-day wonders -- they think they know it all, they make incredible mistakes; they can be easily misled or sidetracked by corrupt cops." Above all, the recently hired are viewed as lacking the right stuff -- panache, zest and a gallant spirit. . . . . Is this just a case of generational rivalry, as some Constantine loyalists maintain? They argue previous directors Jack Lawn and Robert Bonner indulged the good ol' boys and allowed them to get away with murder. Discipline was lacking, and in the new Reno-ordered law-enforcement regime of greater cooperation and less turf-fighting between federal agencies in the war on drugs everyone has to toe the line. From their viewpoint the Jurassic narcs were cowboys wandering the range. "Those who buckled under have been left alone," says a senior DEA official. . . . . And those who wouldn't? One was White, a New Yorker who gloried in the nicknames his colleagues gave him: Dirty Harry, the Rifleman and the Wizard. In Vietnam, White received a Purple Heart and Bronze and Silver stars, but he was forced out in 1995 amid allegations made by female police officers from Wisconsin attending a DEA training session in Chicago. The female officers objected to the politically incorrect language White and four other agents used. He had been in trouble for that before -- having been hauled onto the carpet once for referring to Reno as a "dyke" during a heated meeting with assistant U.S. attorneys. . . "But who do you want to send into the drug war -- politically correct Ivy Leaguers or people who grew up on the streets and studied at the school of hard knocks?" growls a Dirty Harry defender when reminded of the Reno remark. His point: Some slack should be cut for the Jurassics because they're the most effective agents against the most dangerous traffickers, street dealers and enforcers for the smugglers. . . . . White, by all accounts, was as fearless as a lion, the type you want in that proverbial last ditch. The Florida bullet-pumping incident came in 1980 when Miami drug dealers captured half a dozen DEA agents during a warehouse bust gone wrong. One of the kidnappers tried to flee in a truck and White found himself perilously balanced on the running board staring down the barrel of the dealer's gun. In 1981 he was involved in another bloody Miami shoot-out and fired two bullets into the back of a narcotics fugitive during an intense firefight. Both incidents brought him to the angry attention of a local prosecutor who wanted to indict him -- one Janet Reno. White, who went on in the late eighties to lead the clandestine Operation Snowcap, a U.S. initiative in Colombia involving assaults on remote jungle drug labs, had his card marked when Reno and Constantine came in, say insiders. . . . . Diplomacy was never the Jurassic narcs' strong point. Heath's departure from the DEA was sealed the moment he joined in the national debate over the virtues and drawbacks of Mexico joining the United States and Canada in a free-trade pact. Like many DEA agents in the early nineties his point was that the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA, would be a godsend to the traffickers. As director of EPIC, the federal intelligence-sharing facility, Heath publicly blasted the Mexican government for drug corruption. "The politicos here didn't want anyone saying anything about Mexico," says a DEA old-timer. "Ed Heath got transferred to Washington by Constantine in 1993, a day after saying there was corruption in the [governing] PRI party. Heath quit rather than move." . . . . Heath wasn't alone in alienating Constantine with dire warnings about the smuggling consequences of NAFTA -- which among the Jurassic narcs is mocked as the North American Free Trafficking Agreement. Insiders say Hector Berrellez, who in the early nineties was leading the continuing probe into the 1985 Camarena murder, did himself no favors when in 1993 he flooded DEA headquarters with intelligence reports detailing traffickers' links with top Mexican politicians. And he wouldn't desist. Berrellez had few friends in Constantinople, where he was seen by the new DEA regime as epitomizing the worst traits of the Jurassics -- he was stubborn, bullheaded, irreverent. Responsible for the abduction in 1990 from Mexico of Dr. Humberto Alvarez Machain -- the operation was authorized by then-DEA head Bonner -- Berrellez was a diplomatic embarrassment, a thorn in the side of U.S.-Mexican relations. Alvarez was acquitted later in a high-profile Los Angeles trial, but not before the abduction triggered a furious argument between Washington and Mexico City, one that still is reverberating. . . . . While Washington cringed, the ol' boys applauded -- as far as they were concerned Berrellez had shown all the derring-do expected of a Jurassic narc. A Mexican warrant out for his arrest and a contract on his head from traffickers merely attested to Berrellez having the right stuff. . . . . "It isn't hard to understand why Constantine would want to see the back of Berrellez or Heath or any of that lot," says a retired DEA agent. Sympathetic to Constantine, he argues the Jurassics were trouble and made no effort to fit in with the new regime. They resisted change and from the start mocked their new administrator. The Buffalo-born Constantine -- he worked his way up from highway patrolman to the superintendent's job -- was seen as just a local cop, lacking real know-how and appreciation of federal law enforcement. . . . . Under Constantine there has been a new set of objectives, including an increased focus on drugs and violence in America's inner cities. As far as the old-timers are concerned, that isn't a federal responsibility and on the whole should be left to state and local forces to investigate and combat. To pursue what Jurassics sniff at as "microstuff" merely betrays Constantine's state-police roots, they say. They argue it also highlights why Constantine was brought in by Reno and Freeh in the first place -- he'd follow their direction, and they wanted a DEA controlled by the FBI, one less gung-ho and awkwardly independent. "Remember," says one Jurassic, "Reno wanted to fold the DEA into the FBI and Bonner defeated that plan. But in a sense that's happened anyway -- Freeh calls the shots and the DEA is a shell of its former self. It is no longer the lead agency in the drug war. When was the last time anyone in the administration asked Tom Constantine for his advice? When Clinton signed a new methamphetamine bill Constantine wasn't even invited to the White House." . . . . The loss of the DEA's status within the federal law-enforcement community has hit the Jurassics hard. In some ways it predates Constantine. When the first drug czar was appointed, then-DEA chief Jack Lawn reportedly lamented, "I thought that was me." Under Constantine the process of reducing the DEA's clout has proceeded pell-mell. The DEA administrator answers to Freeh, who chairs a law-enforcement oversight committee. . . . . And what angers them even more are what they see as regular witch-hunts against stalwart agents, such as John Marcello, a 27-year DEA veteran. Marcello was a key agent in the successful 1994 takedown of Claude Duboc, the world's largest hashish trafficker until his arrest. As the Duboc case was wrapped up, Marcello was put on administrative leave and investigated. The probe was based on an extraordinary conspiracy theory involving not only Marcello -- a Vietnam vet -- but two highly respected Customs agents and three other senior DEA agents, say sources highly knowledgeable about the inquiry. . . . . Some basic police work at the start would have shot down the graft theory, the sources say. But that wasn't done until much later. Marcello remained under investigation for three years when, after strenuous failed efforts to get something on him, he was told unceremoniously that "no adverse action" would be taken against him. "No adverse action for what? There never was anything on him -- but once they'd gone for him, Constantine wouldn't let up," according to a DEA source. . . . . As a consequence, morale is slipping, adding to the exodus of the old-timers. The paucity of big, high-profile busts compared to the past is taking its toll as well. Dozens of current and former agents interviewed for this article applauded U.S. Customs for Operation Casablanca -- the recent undercover sting that exposed Mexican and Colombian money-laundering and netted several bankers -- but they all bemoaned the fact that it wasn't DEA-led. "That's the kind of thing we used to do," says a veteran drug warrior. . . . . One recruiter tells Insight: "Enrique Camarena was killed because he defied corrupt Mexican politicians, the U.S. Embassy staff and the DEA suits when he hired a private pilot to fly him over 150 acres of marijuana in the fields of Zacatecas. Photos in hand, Kiki returned to Mexico City and the Mexicans had no choice but to burn the fields. As I look into the eyes of Constantine's new hires, I don't see a Camarena among them. That bodes well for the Mexican cartels."
------------------------------------------------------------------- The War On Drugs - Race Falls Out Of The Closet (A List Subscriber Posts An Excerpt From Jerome G. Miller's Book, 'Search And Destroy - African-American Males In The Criminal Justice System,' Including Footnotes, Providing Shocking Documentation Of The Depth Of Racial Bias Inherent In The War On Some Drug Users And Sellers) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 13:18:34 +0000 To: "DRCTalk Reformers' Forum" (firstname.lastname@example.org) From: Peter Webster (email@example.com) Subject: The War on Drugs: Race Falls Out of the Closet Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Sender: email@example.com The following passage from Jerome G. Miller's book *Search and Destroy: African-American Males in the Criminal Justice System* Cambridge University Press 1996, is one of the best concise condemnations of the racism inherent in the practice of the War on Drugs, with good quotable passages and statistics, a good piece to keep on hand for purposes of debates, letters to editors, and a general wake-up as to a principal underlying reason why drug prohibition is so popular with many who believe they discarded their racism long ago, but in reality... [pp 80-88] The War on Drugs: Race Falls Out of the Closet The "drug war" was a disaster-in-waiting for African-Americans from the day of its conception. Despite the fact that drug usage among various racial and ethnic groups in the 1970s and 1980s remained roughly equivalent to their representation in the society, from the first shot fired in the drug war African-Americans were targeted, arrested, and imprisoned in wildly disproportionate numbers. There was historical precedent for what happened. As the African-American writer Clarence Lusane has noted, although there was no evidence of disproportionate opiate use among blacks in the 19th and early 20th centuries (with studies in Florida and Tennessee at the time of World War I showing less opiate use proportionately among blacks than whites), law-enforcement agencies and the press at the time claimed that blacks were using cocaine at alarming levels. A New York Times article, entitled "Negro Cocaine Fiends Are a New Southern Menace," noted that southern sheriffs had switched from .32-caliber guns to .38 caliber pistols to protect themselves from drug-empowered blacks. Although the first "war on drugs" was declared by President Nixon in 1970, federal and state budgets for this conflict grew slowly until the late 1980s. Then, in the wake of University of Maryland African-American basketball star Len Bias's death from cocaine overdose, President and Mrs. Reagan defined drug abuse as the major problem facing the nation and the "war" began in earnest. By 1992, the country was spending over $30 billion annually on the drug war. Though this war had been a failure in its own terms, it had inadvertently exposed the depth of racial bias in the justice system, making hitherto subtle discrimination boldly obvious. While African-Americans and Hispanics made up the bulk of those being arrested, convicted, and sentenced to prison for drug offenses, in 1992, the U.S. Public Health Service's Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration estimated that 76% of the illicit drug users in the United States were white, 14% were black, and 8% were Hispanic. Patterns of cocaine use were only slightly different: two-thirds of cocaine users were white, 17.6% were black, and 15.9% Hispanic. Studies of those who consumed all illicit drugs showed slightly lower percentages of blacks and Latinos than whites in every age category. There was no evidence that the arresting patterns relative to African-Americans and Hispanics had stemmed cocaine use among these groups. The fact that drug dealing in the city, unlike that in the suburbs, often goes on in public areas guaranteed that law-enforcement efforts would be directed at young black and Hispanic men. In Baltimore, Maryland, 11,107 of the 12,965 persons arrested for "drug abuse violations" in 1991 were African-Americans. In Columbus, Ohio, where African-American males made up less than 11 % of the population, they comprised over 90% of the drug arrests and were being arrested at I8 times the rate of whites. In Jacksonville, Florida, 87% of those arrested on drug charges were African-American males, even though they comprised only 12% of that county's population. In Minneapolis (where a state court held that the punishments mandated by the legislature for possession or sale of crack cocaine were racist in their effect), though black men made up only about 7% of the population, they were being arrested at a ratio of approximately 20:1 white males. These patterns were repeated in cities across the nation. Penalties followed the same trends. In 1991, 90% percent of the "crack" arrests nationally were of minorities, whereas three-fourths of the arrests for powder cocaine were of whites. However, sentences for possession of crack were usually three to four times harsher than those for possession of the same amount of powder cocaine. Blacks were sent to prison in unprecedented numbers and were kept there longer than whites. Ninety-two percent (92%) of all drug possession offenders sentenced to prison in New York were either black or Hispanic, and 71% in California. In December 1990, a Minnesota judge, an African-American woman, declared unconstitutional that state's drug law, which in effect punished the possession of crack cocaine more severely (maximum sentence of 20 years) than possession of an equal amount of powder cocaine (maximum sentence of five years). Over 95% of those arrested for possession of crack cocaine were black (in this virtually all-white state), whereas 80% of those arrested for powder cocaine were white. Although expert witnesses brought in from the Addictions Research Center of the National Institute of Drug Abuse testified that they "suspected" that crack cocaine led to addiction more quickly than powder cocaine, they were unable to produce a single study to support that claim. Nor was there any evidence that an addiction to crack was harder to break than an addiction to powder cocaine. The only testimony elicited was anecdotal - primarily from police, drug agents, and prosecutors. In upholding the lower court's decision, one state supreme court justice saw "a plausible case for the proposition that the statute evidenced intentional discrimination against blacks." Despite this state court decision, the discriminatory distinction continued in the federal courts. Under the Congress's reform "sentencing guidelines," possession for personal use of five grams of crack cocaine carried a five-year mandatory minimum sentence, while possession of the same amount of powder cocaine or any other drug was a misdemeanor punishable by a maximum of one year. These guidelines were upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court even though the racial effect was evident in the burgeoning percentages of minorities entering the federal prison populations. As one long-time federal judge, taking note of the Minnesota court's decision, commented to me in I992, "The Constitution is no longer as important to the Supreme Court as it is to state courts." By 1992, the Office of National Drug Control Policy was predicting that by 1996 sentenced drug offenders would comprise more than two-thirds of all inmates in the Federal Bureau of Prisons, but did not mention that the overwhelming majority of them would be black and Latino. A I99I survey of racial rates of incarceration in Texas provided a graphic illustration of where things were headed (Table 6). Most of these gross racial disparities occurred between I985 and I99I and were directly related to the drug war. The racial discrimination endemic to the drug war wound its way through every stage of the processing- arrest, jailing, conviction, and sentencing. Among those sent to prison for drug offenses, African-Americans were less likely to be assigned to treatment programs than whites. In California, for example, whereas 70% of inmates sentenced for drug offenses were black, two-thirds of the drug-treatment slots went to whites. The situation was no different on the East Coast. A study done by a committee of the Monroe County (Rochester, New York) Bar Association revealed that, although drug use among ethnic and racial groups was roughly proportionate to their percentages in the general population, African-Americans were being arrested at I8 times the rate of whites. However, 75% of those who were afforded the few drug-treatment slots available were white. With these kinds of figures emerging, even Blumstein, who previously had found no evidence of racial bias in imprisonment rates, acknowledged possible racial disparities in the "dramatic, exponential growth in arrest rates for blacks compared to whites" related to the drug war. In testimony in early 1994 before the Pittsburgh Commission on Human Relations, he argued that the war on drugs was victimizing black people. As he put it, "The approaches we are taking are clearly, in my mind, making matters appreciably worse." Nowhere were the racial disparities of the drug war more obvious than in its treatment of African-American juveniles. In 1980, the national rate of drug arrests for white and black juveniles was approximately the same - about 400 per 100,000. During the early I980S, the drug-arrest rate for white youths declined by 33%, while the arrest rates among black youths remained relatively stable. However, as the drug war expanded, arrests of black youths surged from 683 per 100,000 in 1985 to 1,200 per 100,000 - nearly five times the white rate - by 1989. By 1991, the rates of arrest for black juveniles was at 1,415 per 100,000. The above graph (Figure 5) illustrates this pattern. The effects of the drug war on juveniles in some cities was even more devastating. One of the most disturbing findings in the Baltimore study conducted by the National Center on Institutions and Alternatives can be seen in the following graph (Figure 6). It reveals that a total of 18 white juveniles were arrested in the city of Baltimore in 1980 and charged with drug sales; by 1990, that number had actually dropped to 13 such arrests. However, whereas 86 black juveniles were arrested in Baltimore in 1980 for drug sales, by 1990, with the drug war in full swing, 1,304 black juveniles were being arrested annually on that charge. Black juveniles in Baltimore were being arrested for drugs at roughly 100 times the arrest rate for whites of the same age. A 1990 Johns Hopkins University study of the same population yielded similar results, with 97% of the juvenile arrests for drug possession/selling in Baltimore being black youths. Incredibly, statewide in Maryland, 90.5% of the drug arrests were of black youngsters. The national increase in arrests of black youths for drug offenses, coupled with more severe sentences in drug cases, was a primary factor contributing to the disproportionate referral of African-American teenagers to state reform schools and detention centers. While the number of white juveniles brought into the juvenile court system increased by only I% between I987 and I988, the number of nonwhite juveniles being processed in juvenile courts increased at 42 times that rate. Moreover, as youngsters were caught up in the earliest stages of the juvenile justice system, one could anticipate that the cumulative effect of bias would increase the probability of their eventually being sentenced to jail or prison. Off the Record Having served in justice roles on the cabinets or personal staffs of governors of three major states - Massachusetts, Illinois, and Pennsylvania - I find it incredible that so many in the government and the judiciary deny the racism which is so much a part of the conversation and informal life of so many in the system. This was brought home to me while I was monitoring jail overcrowding for a federal court. I was taken aback, early in my tenure while sitting with the chief judge of the criminal court, to be told by him that the major reason for crime in the city was "Lyndon Johnson's Civil Rights Act." The judge then went on to explicate his embarrassing personal biases on black men and crime. When I mentioned the conversation later to other officials, the only response I got was, "Did he really say that?" - and the conversation turned quickly to other subjects. Meanwhile, hundreds of black males continued to have their cases heard in this judge's court. The same judge later "acquitted" himself with a local reporter (though the interview was not published for a number of months), by saying that the problems with blacks were not entirely their fault: "It's the fault of their mothers and their daddies and their ancestors and our fault. We have been too good to them." As a result, he concluded that "black youths have a tendency to fight and form gangs and have difficulty competing in public school where they molest teachers and commit rapes.... I would not date a black girl. I would not take one home. My mother would kill me. I wouldn't mistreat one. I would not want my children to marry a black or Asian or Chinese or a Puerto Rican." The chief judge in Florida had committed the faux pas of speaking his mind. Unfortunately, what he said, in my opinion, was probably uncomfortably close to the quietly held attitudes that define the "social context" of justice for most young African-American males entering that judicial system. How else can we explain our increased reliance on imprisonment and harsher sentences as the skin color of arrestees and defendants grows ever darker? This process, in turn, has had other unsavory effects. As the African-American sociologist Troy Duster put it: "If we are ignorant of recent history, and do not know that the incarceration rate and the coloring of our prisons is a function of dramatic changes in the last half century, we are far more vulnerable to the seduction of the genetic explanation . . . [the] astonishing pattern of incarceration rates by race . . . should give pause to anyone who would try to explain these incarcerated.... The gene pool among humans takes many centuries to change, but since I933, the incarceration of African-Americans in relation to whites has gone up in a striking manner. In 1933, blacks were incarcerated as a race approximately three times the rate of incarceration for whites. In 1950, the ratio had increased to approximately 4 to 1; in 1960, it was 5 to 1, in 1970, it was 6 to 1, and in 1989, it was 7 to 1 ." Initially, the trends led to calls for new, higher levels of harsh punishment, which were to have their own set of unanticipated consequences. Ultimately, they set the political stage for resurrecting the genetic theories regarding the black criminal that had obsessed white criminologists 75 years earlier. References 77. Clarence Lusane, Pipe Dream Blues (Boston: South End Press, 1990). 78. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Preliminary Estimates from the 1992 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, Advance Report No. 3, June 1993, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Office of Applied Studies (OAS internal draft version 7, 6/14/93, p. 8). 79. Ibid., p. 1 2. 80. Los Angeles Times, "Blacks Feel Brunt of Drug War," April 22, 1990. 81. Report of National Center on Institutions and Alternatives, "Hobbling a Generation 11," 1992 (Alexandria, Virginia). 82. Sam Vincent Meddis, "Is the Drug War Racist?" USA Today, July 23-25, 1993, p. 2A 83. J. G. Miller, Duval Jail Report, filed with Middle District Court of Florida, Jacksonville, Fla., June 1993. 84. "Does the Punishment Fit the Crime? Drug Users and Drunk Drivers, Questions of Race and Class," The Sentencing Project, Washington D.C., 1993. 85. In August 1993, Federal Judge Lyle E. Strom in Omaha, Nebraska, became the first in the nation to rule that sentences could not be more severe for those who deal in crack cocaine than those who deal in powder cocaine. Judge Strom departed from federal sentencing guidelines. He commented that even were the disparate penalties inherently constitutional, when applied to blacks their impact was "disproportionately severe." He also noted that more than 90% of the persons prosecuted for dealing crack were African-American ("Federal Judge Attacks Disparity in Sentencing for Cocaine Cases," Wall Street Journal, August 3, 1993). In March 1995, the federal sentencing commission announced their intention to adjust the guidelines for those caught with crack cocaine versus powder cocaine to bring the recommended sentences into conformity. The Clinton administration refused to support the Commission's reforms and they died in Congress. 86. Criminal Justice Policy Council, Sentencing Dynamics Study, Texas Punishment Standards Commission, 1992. 87. Report to Monroe County Bar Association Board of Trustees, "Justice in Jeopardy," Monroe County Bar Association, May 1992. 88. In a 1992 conversation with the author. 89. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, January 22, 1994, Sec. B, p. Al. 90. Howard Snyder, Ph.D., "Arrests of Youth 1990," National Center for Juvenile Justice (Research Branch of National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges), Pittsburgh, Pa. 91. National Center on Institutions and Alternatives, "Hobbling a Generation II", p. 3. 92. D. Altschuler, The State of the Region: Youth Crime and Juvenile Justice in Maryland and Baltimore (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies, Fall 1992), p. vi. 93. H. Snyder, T. A. Finnegan, E. H. Nimick, M. H. Sickmund, D. P. Sullivan, and N. J. Tierney (1990). Juvenile Court Statistics, 1988. National Center for Juvenile Justice, Pittsburgh, Pa. 94. Ibid., p. 4. 95. Duster notes that the War on Drugs of the 19805 amplified these differences even more. In Florida, admissions to state prisons tripled from 1983 to 1989. In 1983 in Virginia, 63 % of prison commitments for drugs were white, 37% minority. By 1989, the pattern had reversed, with 34% of the new commitments being white and 65% minority. "Yet, in this very period we find a significant increase in scientific journal articles and scholarly books (Mednick et al. 1984; Wilson and Herrnstein 1985) suggesting a greater role for biological explanations of crime" (Troy Duster, "Genetics, Race, and Crime, etc.," pp. 133-135). Peter Webster firstname.lastname@example.org International Journal of Drug Policy http://www.elsevier.nl:80/ subscriptions: email@example.com DRCNet Online Library of Drug Policy http://www.druglibrary.org/ The Psychedelic Library firstname.lastname@example.org http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/lsd/ http://www.drugtext.org/psychedelics/
------------------------------------------------------------------- McCaffrey Preparing Push To Create Border Drug Czar - Official Would Coordinate Host Of Federal Agencies (An 'Associated Press' Article In 'The Dallas Morning News' Recycles A Two-Week-Old Story) From: adbryan@ONRAMP.NET Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 07:46:20 -0500 (CDT) Subject: ART: McCaffrey preparing push to create border drug czar To: "DRCTalk Reformers' Forum" (email@example.com) Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Sender: email@example.com 8-17-98 Dallas Morning News http://www.dallasnews.com firstname.lastname@example.org McCaffrey preparing push to create border drug czar Official would coordinate host of federal agencies 08/17/98 Associated Press WASHINGTON - Federal drug czar Barry McCaffrey is revving up the public relations machinery to sell his plan for appointment of a coordinator to ride herd on the many federal law enforcement bureaucracies that operate along the U.S.-Mexico border. The retired general is mounting a campaign to convince President Clinton, Congress and administration colleagues of the need to create the Southwest "border czar" job. Mr. McCaffrey, who has effectively used the bully pulpit in the past to overcome his office's lack of direct authority over federal counterdrug operations, says efforts to block drug smuggling would be greatly improved under his proposal. He has taken his show on the road to California and later this month will discuss his proposal in El Paso - where he suggests the border czar should be based. The government's anti-drug track record can be improved, says Mr. McCaffrey's director of strategy. "You have to admire all the hard work that's being done, but what's the bottom line?" asked Jim McDonough. "The bottom line is: Far too many drugs are coming across the Southwest border." Most of the cocaine and marijuana smuggled into the country come across the southern border, along with increasing amounts of heroin and methamphetamines, officials say. Twenty-three federal agencies - from the Border Patrol and Drug Enforcement Administration to the Customs Service and Coast Guard - play a role in interdicting drugs. A border czar whose mandate cuts across jurisdictional lines could see the big picture, direct resources more effectively and improve coordination and eliminate duplication among the sometimes competing bureaucracies, Mr. McDonough said. Rep. Silvestre Reyes, who served as the Border Patrol's El Paso sector chief before coming to Congress, enthusiastically supports Mr. McCaffrey's proposal. "This is an idea whose time has come," the El Paso Democrat said. "There is a great deal of frustration on the Hill about the impact of narcotics, not just in our border communities but literally in cities and neighborhoods throughout the country." Mr. McCaffrey is readying a set of recommendations that he intends to present to Mr. Clinton soon. El Paso, centrally located along the 2,000-mile border, makes sense both geographically and logistically as the border czar's base of operations, supporters say. The city already is home to the El Paso Intelligence Center, which provides drug-smuggling threat assessments; Operation Alliance, which coordinates the drug-enforcement activities of 17 federal agencies and numerous state and local law-enforcement agencies; and Joint Task Force 6, which provides military support for anti-drug operations. Officials at some of the major federal agencies that would be affected by the arrival of a border czar say cooperation among departments already is good - but could be improved. "DEA gets good cooperation and does cooperate with other agencies," said spokeswoman Rogene Waite. "If you ask if cooperation could be better, of course it could always be better. There's an infinite curve there. Of course, it could always be worse." At the Immigration and Naturalization Service, which is the Border Patrol's parent agency, "certainly we are not opposed to the concept of a border czar," said spokesman Russ Bergeron. "However, we think that it's important that the role of a border czar be clearly established as one of coordination and that the independent authority of the various agencies to control manpower and budget be maintained," Mr. Bergeron added. Mr. McCaffrey earlier had floated a plan that would give financial and operational authority to the border czar - which prompted alarm in some circles. Until the full outlines of Mr. McCaffrey's plan are known, some are withholding an endorsement. "The language that's used in his public pronouncements is somewhat ambiguous," said one official, speaking on condition of anonymity. Customs Service head Raymond Kelly has not seen a "concrete proposal of exactly what this is going to entail," said spokesman Bill Anthony. "Basically, we're waiting for the proposal, and it will be under review." Mr. McDonough said his boss has worked the plan through the "interagency process" and has secured the support of Attorney General Janet Reno, whose department oversees the INS, DEA and the FBI. He professes no concern over possible bureaucratic tussles. "There's always turf issues," Mr. McDonough said.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Cocaine Plane Scandal Rocks Nicaraguan Elite ('The San Francisco Chronicle' Says Arnoldo Aleman, The President Of Nicaragua, Allowed Himself To Be Flown Around Earlier This Year In A Plane Allegedly Owned By A Cuban American Named Jose Francisco Guasch, Who Also Used The Plane, Stolen From An Airport In Fort Lauderdale, Florida, To Transport Large Quantities Of Cocaine, According To Nicaraguan Police) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 21:29:18 -0400 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Nicaragua: Cocaine Plane Scandal Rocks Nicaraguan Elite Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com Source: San Francisco Chronicle Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.sfgate.com/ Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Section: Page A10 Author: Edward Hegstrom Chronicle Foreign Service COCAINE PLANE SCANDAL ROCKS NICARAGUAN ELITE President says he was innocent victim Managua -- Maybe Arnoldo Aleman's mother never warned him against accepting rides from strangers. Aleman, the president of Nicaragua, allowed himself to be flown around earlier this year in a plane allegedly owned by a silver-haired Cuban American named Jose Francisco Guasch. But now Aleman probably wishes he hadn't done that. The jet was stolen from a Florida airport days before Guasch brought it to Managua last December to offer free rides. In addition to carting around the president, his wife .and several other unsuspecting dignitaries, the plane was also used to transport large quantities of cocaine, according to Nicaraguan Police. Authorities say they don't know whether the jet ever transported cocaine at the same time that it transported Aleman and his associates. The case has resulted in the firing of government officials, including the head of the Civil Aeronautics Division, who now awaits trial on drug-trafficking charges. Like just about every other important Nicaraguan taken for a ride on the jet, Aleman says he was an innocent victim. "I think the whole nation has been jarred by these events," Aleman told an investigating judge. He blamed his civil aviation authorities and security guards for allowing him to fly on the plane. U.S. authorities say they believe Aleman. "We have no information linking the president either to the theft of the airplane or to narco-trafficking," said an embassy spokesmanin Managua. Court records in Managua contain a copy of an American passport indicating that Guasch, 52, was born in Cuba and naturalized as a U.S. citizen. The records also contain a letter from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency indicating that Guasch has previously been investigated in connection with international drug trafficking. But there is no indication that he has ever been arrested. Months before bringing the plane to Managua, Guasch began visiting Nicaragua to look into the possibility of setting up a commercial airline, which he planned to call Ceylon Air. He met with the head of Nicaragua's Civil Aeronautics Division, Mario Rivas Montealegre, whom he knew from Florida pilot schools in the 1980s. Guasch told Montealegre that he worked for the CIA, according to court records. When it came time to form the company, Guasch needed a Nicaraguan to be named as the majority owner. Montealegre volunteered his chauffeur, who became listed as the owner in the paperwork. But the new airlines still needed an airplane. No problem. On the morning of December 16, workers at a small Fort Lauderdale airline arrived at the airport to discover their jet was missing from the hangar. Police dutifully took a report about a stolen 1975 Lear jet, white with gold and maroon trim, and eight leather passenger seats. Estimated value: $3 million. A few days later, the jet showed up in Managua, accordmg to authorities. Guasch told people that he had bought it in Germany. Instead of parking the plane at the principal international airport, Guasch decided to Store it at a mostly abandoned airport known as Brasiles. The airport has no active control tower and no immigration inspectors. As part of Ceylon Air's rollout, Guasch offered 10 hours of free flights to his new friends in the government. The transportation minister used the plane to fly to Montelimar, an exclusive beach resort on the Pacific. The trip was billed as an official opportunity to inspect the quality of the runway there. The tourism, minister and the vice president also made trips. Aleman's wife, Dolores, flew with friends to visit the Atlantic coast. Aleman and his aides took the plane to a February Conference of Central American presidents in El Salvador. Exactly what other flights the plane took Out of the uncontrolled airport are not known. Authorities are aware of one April flight where the plane went from Managua to San Jose, Costa Rica, where it was also allowed to land without being searched. It went On to Medellin, Colombia, before heading home the next day. While top officials were enjoying the seemingly limitless access to the luxury jet, police were groing suspicious. In May, Officials entered the hangar and searched the plane. A sophisticated drug-detecting device found high levels of cocaine residue in 12 of the 13 locations searched. The presence of residual cocaine, even in compartments led authorities to conclude that the plane had recently been used to transport large quantities of the drug. No actual cocaine was found, however. Four people have been arrested, including Montealegre and his chauffeur. Guasch slipped out of the country and remains at large.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Rebels Slash Colombian Army In Fierce Clashes ('The San Francisco Chronicle' Says Colombia's Army Suffered Another Bloody Setback Over The Weekend As Dozens Of Soldiers Were Killed And Captured In Clashes With Guerrillas The Newspaper Characterizes As 'Leftist') Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 14:39:28 -0400 To: MAP News (email@example.com) From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Colombia: Rebels Slash Colombian Army in Fierce Clashes Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com (Tom O'Connell) Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Source: San Francisco Chronicle (CA) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Website: http://www.sfgate.com/chronicle/ Page: A9 REBELS SLASH COLOMBIAN ARMY IN FIERCE CLASHES Bogota, Colombia (AP) -- In another bloody setback for the Colombian army, dozens of soldiers were killed and captured in clashes with leftist rebels in northwestern Colombia that raged throughout the weekend. General Martin Carreno, commander of the army's 17th Brigade involved in the combat, said at least 60 soldiers and rebels died and 19 soldiers were wounded in fighting that began Friday and continued late yesterday in a remote part of the municipality of Riosucio, in Choco state. Carreno did not say how many of the dead were soldiers. But in a statement read on Radionet radio station, guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, said they had killed 53 soldiers, wounded 30 and taken 20 more prisoners. According to the army, the battle began when about 600 guerrillas attacked soldiers from three counterinsurgency battalions, the army reported. The soldiers were patrolling the humid, low-lying jungle region, an area near the Panama border intersected by rivers. About a month ago, rebels reportedly began trying to regain territory there lost last year to landowner-backed paramilitary groups. The latest combat occurred less than two weeks after one of the most devastating offensives ever by rebels who have been fighting the government since the 1960s, and a week after President Andres Pastrana named a new military high command. In three days of nationwide attacks beginning August 4, guerrillas from the 15,000-member ARC and the 5,000-member National Liberation Army destroyed a major anti-narcotics base, killed as many as 143 soldiers and police, and captured 129 people Pastrana, who was inaugurated August 7, has promised to make peace his government's top priority.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Brazilian Authorities Destroy 37-Acre Pot Farm (According To 'Reuters,' Globo Network Television Said Monday That Brazilian Military Police Spent Three Days In The Interior Of The Northeastern State Of Pernambuco Destroying Some 65,000 Marijuana Plants With Spades, Hoes And Tractors) Date: Sat, 22 Aug 1998 17:30:12 -0700 From: email@example.com (MAPNews) To: firstname.lastname@example.org Subject: MN: Brazil: Wire: Brazilian Authorities Destroy 37-Acre Pot Farm Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: email@example.com (Frank S. World) Source: Reuters Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 BRAZILIAN AUTHORITIES DESTROY 37-ACRE POT FARM RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil - Brazilian military police used spades, hoes and tractors to destroy 37 acres of marijuana, one of the country's largest ever drug plantations, Globo Network television said Monday. Police spent three days in the interior of the northeastern state of Pernambuco destroying some 65,000 marijuana plants, which were ready for harvesting and marketing across Brazil, Globo said. It did not give a precise location for the plantation. "I've been working in the region for 10 years and I've never seen so much marijuana as there is in this area," said military policeman Jose Marcos do Santos. The drug farmers diverted water from a nearby reservoir to irrigate their crop and were using public land that was earmarked for the resettlement of refugees from recent flooding. Brazilians spent nearly $7 billion on illegal drugs like marijuana and cocaine in 1997, an amount equal to half the money the government spent fighting illegal drugs. Copyright 1998 Reuters News Service
------------------------------------------------------------------- State Government Launches Policy To Curb Student Drug Abuse ('The Australian Associated Press' Says The Western Australian Government Has Launched A Policy Guide For Schools Aimed At Reducing Drug Abuse Among Young People - While The Government Is Concerned About Alcohol, Tobacco And Other Drug-Related Problems, The AAP Shows Traditional Mass Media Bias In Printing Statistics For Marijuana Use Rates, But Not Those For Alcohol Or Tobacco) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 22:19:09 -0500 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Australia: State Govt Launches Policy To Curb Student Drug Abuse Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Ken Russell Source: Wire: Australian Associated Press Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 STATE GOVT LAUNCHES POLICY TO CURB STUDENT DRUG ABUSE THE Western Australian Government yesterday launched a policy guide for schools aimed at reducing drug abuse among young people. The strategy is part of the government's School Drug Education Project, a drug education curriculum which targets both students and parents. The Minister Responsible for WA Drug Abuse Strategy, Rhonda Parker, said today the policy guidelines emphasised harm reduction and opposition to drug abuse. "The intervention procedures are designed to address alcohol, tobacco and other drug-related problems to ensure the health and well being of our young people," Mrs Parker said. "National surveys indicate that some 16 per cent of Western Australians over the age of 14 would have used cannabis in the last 12 months, a figure that is in the middle of the national range from 12 to 21 per cent. "More than 24 per cent of WA secondary students smoked marijuana in the last month, 16 per cent in the last week and while use declines rapidly with age, some 13 per cent of 25 to 44-year-olds smoked in the last month and 21 per cent in the last year. "Cannabis is a harmful drug and a fresh and concerted effort is required to prevent and reduce its use. "Use of other illicit substances is lower but still of concern, with almost six per cent of males and 4.5 per cent of females using amphetamines. "Solvent abuse is also a problem, particularly for young people in some of our remote regions." The School Drug Policy Guide has the support of the WA Catholic Education Office as well as the Association of Independent Schools and the WA Education Department.
------------------------------------------------------------------- Red Tape Cuts Drug Arrests (Australia's 'Daily Telegraph' Says Drug Arrests Have Dropped By Up To 80 Per Cent In Some Sydney Patrols Because Complex New Laws Are Restricting The Number Of Undercover Police Operations) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 10:16:43 -0700 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: email@example.com (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Australia: Red Tape Cuts Drug Arrests Sender: firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Ken Russell Source: Daily Telegraph (Australia) Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Author: Morgan Ogg and Charles Miranda RED TAPE CUTS DRUG ARRESTS DRUG arrests have dropped by up to 80 per cent in some Sydney patrols because complex new laws are restricting the number of undercover police operations. The Daily Telegraph has learned that in the nation's heroin capital, Cabramatta, only 98 charges of drug supply were laid in the first six months this year. This compares with 402 in 1997. There were only 14 "controlled buys" conducted in Cabramatta between January and June this year compared with 153 last year. Across the State, there were 500 "sting" operations last year - since the new legislation came into effect in March there have been only about 40. Under new laws, police have to ask permission for undercover work, with only Commissioner Peter Ryan or his de-puty Jeff Jarratt able to give approval. "Controlled buys" are now rare because of the stringent requirements and lengthy delays in gaining permission. The drop in drug-related arrests has led some police to push for key components of the NSW Law Enforcement (Controlled Operations) 1997 Act to be amended. It is understood three applications for controlled drug buys at Cabramatta have been rejected by Mr Jarratt. Mr Jarratt yesterday conceded the laws had constrained operations but "it is not the only tool in our kit bag". "Certainly the statistics show there has been less operations this year than last, but overall the number of drug charges have not dropped all that significantly," he said. The law was introduced primarily to protect undercover police performing illegal acts by purchasing drugs. To set up an undercover operation, complex and detailed affidavit requests have to be received in their original form. Faxes are not accepted. If a drug dealer found by police is not the person named in the affidavit, the sting operation has to be abandoned. Senior police claim the approval process can take up to three weeks, by which time the planned drug transaction has fallen through. Mr Jarratt said: "I'm certainly signing (the affidavits) day and night as I receive them to make it the shortest possible time," he said. "I'm signing them out of hours. "There is a complication in that requirement (original instead of a fax) and perhaps it's an issue we need to work through."
------------------------------------------------------------------- Support For ACT Heroin Clinics (A Letter To The Editor Of 'The Canberra Times' Hails News That There Are Moves Afoot To Establish Safe Injecting Clinics For Addicted Heroin Users In The Australian Capital Territory) Date: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 10:14:40 -0700 To: email@example.com From: firstname.lastname@example.org (MAPNews) Subject: MN: Australia: PUB LTE: Support for ACT Heroin Clinics Sender: email@example.com Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org Organization: Media Awareness Project http://www.mapinc.org/lists/ Newshawk: Russell.Ken.KW@bhp.com.au (Russell, Ken KW) Source: Canberra Times (Australia) Contact: email@example.com Website: http://www.canberratimes.com.au/ Pubdate: Mon, 17 Aug 1998 Author: Fiona Brand SUPPORT FOR ACT HEROIN CLINICS IT IS refreshing to see in today's Canberra Times (August 12) that there are moves afoot to have safe injecting clinics for addicted heroin users in the ACT. As shown in recent talks, on the ABC about such clinics in Switzerland, the drop in deaths (overdoses) by heroin use has been dramatic because of the availability of instant help. The clinics staffed by trained compassionate people are clean safe places. They also offer showers to drug users, the opportunity to buy clean pre-owned clothes, food, coffee or tea. Yes please, we need and want these clinics in the ACT. FIONA BRAND Lyneham -------------------------------------------------------------------
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